pEmAkZulaN ala Indonesia
Aktivis: Oktober, Momentum Makzulkan SBY
Minggu, 26 September 2010 - 16:10 wib
Tri Kurniawan - Okezone
JAKARTA - Lima belas orang dari berbagai elemen LSM, mahasiswa dan organisasi massa berkumpul di Doekoen Coffee, Pancoran, Jakarta Selatan. Mereka menyatukan misi menjatuhkan pemerintahan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Aktivis Petisi 28 Haris Rusli mengatakan tiga momentum penting yang harus dimanfaatkan untuk menggulingkan Pemerintahan SBY. "Ini dilakukan untuk membuat perubahan dari opinion power menjadi real power," katanya di Doekoen Coffee, Minggu (26/9/2010).
Ketiga momentum yang dimaksud yakni, 20 0ktober mendatang yang bertepatan dengan satu tahun pemerintahan SBY, 28 Oktober di hari Sumpah Pemuda, dan 10 November bertepatan dengan hari Pahlawan.
Sementara itu Ketua BEM Indonesia Adiyatma mengatakan Pemerintahan SBY masih semu, masih banyak rakyat yang belum merdeka.
"Selama ini kita masih mengoreksi rencananya pada 28 Oktober. Kami akan evaluasi pemerintah SBY, karena selama ini masih lemah," katanya.
Lebih lanjut dia mengatakan korupsi juga masih merajalela, kasus Century tidak ada kejelasan. "Pemerinah SBY hanya dipenuhi dengan pencitraan dan bagi-bagi jabatan," tegasnya.
Baginya, peristiwa-peristiwa yang terjadi selama ini dibentuk untuk mentupi kesalahan Pemerintah. Adiyatma mencontohkan kalau penjahat tertangkap lima dikeluarkan di media tiga, sisanya untuk menutupi kesalahan selanjutnya.(hri)
Presiden : Pemakzulan Jika Ada Pasal Yang Dilanggar
KAMIS, 04 MARET 2010 | 21:36 WIB
TEMPO Interaktif, Jakarta -Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono menilai wacana pemakzulan hanya bisa dilakukan jika ada pasal-pasal pemakzulan yang dilanggar. "Mekanisme pergantiannya diatur melalui pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Saya mengimbau agar kita semua menghayati semangat yang terkandung dalam konstitusi itu dengan sportivitas yang tinggi," katanya dalam pidato resmi di Istana Negara.
Presiden juga berkukuh bahwa kebijakan pemerintah menggelontorkan dana talangan Rp 6,7 triliun ke Bank Century adalah kebijakan yang tepat. Dia bahkan menuding DPR melupakan faktor ancaman ekonomi global ketika kebijakan bailout dibuat.
DPR saat itu, kata Presiden, juga sepakat bahwa kondisi perekonomian sedang genting. Hal itu tercermin dari sikap DPR yang menyetujui Perppu perbaikan peraturan di bidang keuangan dan perbankan. "Adanya persepsi yang sama antara DPR dan Pemerintah itulah yang sekarang dilupakan. Sekarang sepertinya sebab-sebab yang melatarbelakangi tindakan terhadap Bank Century menjadi kabur," katanya.
Dia juga mengingatkan keputusan bailout tersebut diputuskan dimasa-masa sulit. Sehingga wajar jika informasi yang dimiliki pengambil kebijakan saat itu tak lengkap. "Pastilah berbeda pengambilan keputusan di masa normal dibandingkan pengambilan keputusan di masa krisis," kata Presiden.
Pengambilan keputusan dimasa-masa sulit inilah yang diabaikan Panitia Khusus Hak Angket. "Sayang sekali dalam proses perdebatan yang berlangsung selama bekerjanya Panitia Hak Angket sering dilupakan detik-detik sulit ketika keputusan penyelamatan Bank Century dilakukan," kata Presiden.
Presiden menilai jika pun terjadi kesalahan dalam dalam penggelontoran dana tersebut, tidak berarti kesalahan itu bisa dipidanakan. Sebab keputusan itu diambil ditengah situasi krisis dan serba darurat. "
Presiden menjamin keputusan menggelontorkan dana ke Bank Century dilakukan tanpa ada benturan kepentingan ataupun niat jahat. "Semata-mata untuk menyelamatkan perekonomian nasional, maka seharusnyalah kita tidak mempersalahkan kebijakan demikian," Presiden.
Selain itu, Presiden juga menyoroti sikap Panitia Khusus yang tak membahas persoalan penggelontoran dana ke Bank Century secara utuh. Presiden menyebutkan kalaupun Bank Century ditutup ketika itu, Pemerintah tetap harus menyediakan dana Rp 4,9 triliun untuk mengembalikan tabungan nasabah. "Dana sebesar itu adalah perkiraan minimal," katanya.
Sikap Presiden ini sebagai jawaban atas keputusan Rapat Paripurna DPR yang menyatakan penggelontoran dana ke Bank Century keliru. Presiden mengatakan saat itu pemerintah tak punya pilihan lain kecuali menyelamatkan Bank Century karena ada ancaman krisis global.
DWI RIYANTO AGUSTIAR
About President Nixon:
He served as vice president under Republican President Dwight D. Eisenhower from 1953-61. Nixon ran unsuccessfully for the presidency in 1960, losing by a very close margin to John F. Kennedy.
In 1962, Nixon ran unsuccessfully for Governor of California. This second loss led Nixon to bitterly announce he was leaving politics, telling reporters "...you won't have Nixon to kick around anymore." However, he re-emerged as a presidential candidate in 1968 and ran a successful campaign against Democrat Hubert Humphrey, squeaking out a victory in one of the closest elections in U.S. history.
In 1972, Nixon ran for re-election against Democrat George McGovern and swept to victory in a landslide with 60 percent of the popular vote, winning in every state except Massachusetts.
Events Leading to Impeachment:
A break-in occurred on the night of June 17, 1972, as five burglars entered the Democratic National Committee offices inside the Watergate office complex in Washington. Discovered by 24-year-old night watchman Frank Wills, they were arrested at the scene by police at 2:30 a.m.
Investigations soon revealed the Watergate burglars were employed by the Committee to Re-elect President Nixon. However, a White House spokesman dismissed the incident as a "third-rate burglary attempt."
In August of 1972, President Nixon told reporters, "no one in the White House staff, no one in this administration, presently employed, was involved in this very bizarre incident."
The arrest of the Watergate burglars marked the beginning of a long chain of events in which President Nixon and his top aides became deeply involved in an extensive coverup of the break-in and other White House sanctioned illegal activities.
Those activities had started in 1970 after The New York Times revealed a secret bombing campaign against neutral Cambodia in Southeast Asia was being conducted as part of the American war effort in Vietnam. Following the revelations, Nixon ordered wiretaps of reporters and government employees to discover the source of the news leaks.
In 1971, the Pentagon Papers were published in The New York Times, detailing the U.S. Defense Department's secret history of the Vietnam War. A "Plumbers" unit was then established by Nixon aides in the White House with the sole purpose of gathering political intelligence on perceived enemies and preventing further news leaks. A team of burglars from the "Plumbers" then broke into a psychiatrist's office looking for damaging information on Daniel Ellsberg, the former defense analyst who had leaked the Pentagon Papers to the press.
In 1972, as part of Nixon's re-election effort, a massive campaign of political spying and 'dirty tricks' was initiated against Democrats, leading to the Watergate break-in to plant bugs (tiny audio transmitters) inside the offices of the Democratic National Committee.
Two young reporters from the Washington Post, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, then began a dogged pursuit of the facts surrounding the break-in. Among the many items revealed by them -- one of the Watergate burglars, retired CIA employee James W. McCord, was actually the security coordinator for Nixon's re-election committee - a $25,000 cashier's check for Nixon's re-election campaign had been diverted to the bank account of one of the burglars - Attorney General John Mitchell had controlled a secret fund which financed political spying and dirty tricks targeting Democratic presidential candidates.
Perhaps the most notorious dirty trick was a letter planted in a New Hampshire newspaper alleging that leading Democratic presidential candidate, Senator Edmund Muskie of Maine, had referred to Americans of French-Canadian descent as "Canucks."
On a snowy New Hampshire day, standing outside the offices of the newspaper, Musky gave a rambling, tearful denial. His emotional conduct, replayed on television, caused him to drop in the New Hampshire polls shortly before the presidential primary. George McGovern, considered a weaker candidate by Nixon political strategists, eventually won the 1972 Democratic nomination and lost the general election to Nixon in a landslide.
In February of 1973, the U.S. Senate established a Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, chaired by Sen. Sam Ervin, to investigate all of the events surrounding Watergate and other allegations of political spying and sabotage conducted on behalf of Nixon's re-election.
March and April of 1973 saw the start of the unraveling of the coverup. On March 23, one of the five burglars convicted after the Watergate break-in, James W. McCord, informed U.S. District Judge John J. Sirica that he was being pressured to remain silent. On April 20, acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray resigned after admitting he had destroyed Watergate evidence under pressure from Nixon aides. Ten days later, four of Nixon's top officials resigned: Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman; Domestic Affairs Assistant John Ehrlichman; Attorney General Richard Kleindienst; and Presidential Counsel John Dean.
The Senate Select Committee began televised hearings on May 17. A month later, former Presidential Counsel John Dean testified there was an ongoing White House coverup and that Nixon had been personally involved in the payment of hush money to the five burglars and two other operatives involved in planning the Watergate break-in. Three weeks later, another Nixon aide revealed the President had ordered hidden microphones installed in the Oval Office in the spring of 1971 and had recorded most conversations since then on audio tape.
The tapes then became the focus of an intensive year-long legal battle between all three branches of the U.S. government. In October of 1973, Watergate Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox, who had been appointed by the Nixon administration, publicly vowed to obtain the tapes despite Nixon's strong objections.
This resulted in the "Saturday Night Massacre" on October 20 in which Nixon attempted to fire Cox, but was temporarily thwarted as Attorney General Elliot Richardson and Deputy Attorney General William Ruckelshaus refused Nixon's order and instead resigned. Solicitor General Robert Bork agreed to carry out the order and fired Cox.
The minute-by-minute events of the "Saturday Night Massacre" were covered live by stunned reporters on network television starting about 8:30 p.m. and sent a political shockwave throughout America that led to immediate calls for impeachment.
"Whether ours shall continue to be a government of laws and not of men is now for Congress and ultimately the American people," Archibald Cox stated after his firing. Ten days later, impeachment proceedings in the House of Representatives began as the House Judiciary Committee, chaired by Rep. Peter Rodino, started its preliminary investigation.
Nixon responded to public outrage by initially agreeing to turn over some of the tapes. However, the White House then revealed that two of the tapes no longer existed and later revealed there was an 18 minute blank gap on a crucial recording of the President and H.R. Haldeman taped three days after the Watergate break-in.
Nixon's new Chief of Staff Alexander M. Haig Jr. suggested the possibility that "some sinister force" had erased portions of the subpoenaed tape. President Nixon's personal secretary Rose Mary Woods was eventually blamed as having caused the erasure supposedly after she had been asked to prepare a summary of taped conversations for the President.
In November of 1973, amid all of the controversy, Nixon made a scheduled appearance before 400 Associated Press managing editors in Florida. During a feisty question and answer period he maintained his innocence, stating, "... in all of my years in public life I have never obstructed justice...People have got to know whether or not their President is a crook. Well, I'm not a crook." (Real Audio :24)
To avoid handing over all of the 42 subpoenaed tapes to the House Judiciary Committee, Nixon instead released 1,254 pages of edited transcripts of 20 tapes in the spring of 1974. But the transcripts caused a national sensation as Americans glimpsed behind closed doors for the first time at a cynical Nixon who frequently used obscene language in the Oval Office, in contrast to his carefully tailored public image. The transcripts also revealed Nixon frequently discussing Watergate including the raising of "hush money" to keep the burglars quiet.
"We could get that. On the money, if you need the money you could get that. You could get a million dollars. You could get it in cash. I know where it could be gotten. It is not easy, but it could be done. But the question is, Who would handle it? Any ideas on that?" -- Nixon to John Dean, March 21, 1973.
The new Special Prosecutor, Leon Jaworski, who had been appointed by the Justice Department, pursued Nixon's tapes all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. On July 24, 1974, the Court unanimously ruled that Nixon had to surrender the tapes.
On Saturday, July 27, the House Judiciary Committee approved its first article of impeachment charging President Nixon with obstruction of justice. Six of the Committee's 17 Republicans joined all 21 Democrats in voting for the article. The following Monday the Committee approved its second article charging Nixon with abuse of power. The next day, the third and final article, contempt of Congress, was approved.
Articles of Impeachment:
RESOLVED, That Richard M. Nixon, President of the United States, is impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and that the following articles of impeachment to be exhibited to the Senate:
ARTICLES OF IMPEACHMENT EXHIBITED BY THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN THE NAME OF ITSELF AND OF ALL OF THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, AGAINST RICHARD M. NIXON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN MAINTENANCE AND SUPPORT OF ITS IMPEACHMENT AGAINST HIM FOR HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANOURS.
Article 1: Obstruction of Justice.
In his conduct of the office of the President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, in violation of his constitutional oath faithfully to execute the office of President of the United States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in violation of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has prevented, obstructed, and impeded the administration of justice, in that: On June 17, 1972, and prior thereto, agents of the Committee for the Re-Election of the President committed unlawful entry of the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee in Washington, District of Columbia, for the purpose of securing political intelligence. Subsequent thereto, Richard M. Nixon, using the powers of his high office, engaged personally and through his subordinates and agents in a course of conduct or plan designed to delay, impede and obstruct investigations of such unlawful entry; to cover up, conceal and protect those responsible and to conceal the existence and scope of other unlawful covert activities. The means used to implement this course of conduct or plan have included one or more of the following:
(1) Making or causing to be made false or misleading statements to lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States.
(2) Withholding relevant and material evidence or information from lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States.
(3) Approving, condoning, acquiescing in, and counseling witnesses with respect to the giving of false or misleading statements to lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States and false or misleading testimony in duly instituted judicial and congressional proceedings.
(4) Interfering or endeavoring to interfere with the conduct of investigations by the Department of Justice of the United States, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the office of Watergate Special Prosecution Force and congressional committees.
(5) Approving, condoning, and acquiescing in, the surreptitious payments of substantial sums of money for the purpose of obtaining the silence or influencing the testimony of witnesses, potential witnesses or individuals who participated in such unlawful entry and other illegal activities.
(6) Endeavoring to misuse the Central Intelligence Agency, an agency of the United States.
(7) Disseminating information received from officers of the Department of Justice of the United States to subjects of investigations conducted by lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States for the purpose of aiding and assisting such subjects in their attempts to avoid criminal liability.
(8) Making false or misleading public statements for the purpose of deceiving the people of the United States into believing that a thorough and complete investigation has been conducted with respect to allegation of misconduct on the part of personnel of the Executive Branch of the United States and personnel of the Committee for the Re-Election of the President, and that there was no involvement of such personnel in such misconduct; or
(9) Endeavoring to cause prospective defendants, and individuals duly tried and convicted, to expect favored treatment and consideration in return for their silence or false testimony, or rewarding individuals for their silence or false testimony.
In all of this, Richard M. Nixon has acted in a manner contrary to his trust as President and subversive of constitutional government, to the great prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury of the people of the United States.
Wherefore Richard M. Nixon, by such conduct, warrants impeachment and trial, and removal from office.
(Approved by a vote of 27-11 by the House Judiciary Committee on Saturday, July 27, 1974.)
Article 2: Abuse of Power.
Using the powers of the office of President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, in violation of his constitutional oath faithfully to execute the office of President of the United States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in disregard of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has repeatedly engaged in conduct violating the constitutional rights of citizens, imparting the due and proper administration of justice and the conduct of lawful inquiries, or contravening the laws governing agencies of the executive branch and the purposes of these agencies.
This conduct has included one or more of the following:
(1) He has, acting personally and through his subordinated and agents, endeavored to obtain from the Internal Revenue Service, in violation of the constitutional rights of citizens, confidential information contained in income tax returns for purposes not authorized by law, and to cause, in violation of the constitutional rights of citizens, income tax audits or other income tax investigation to be initiated or conducted in a discriminatory manner.
(2) He misused the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Secret Service, and other executive personnel, in violation or disregard of the constitutional rights of citizens, by directing or authorizing such agencies or personnel to conduct or continue electronic surveillance or other investigations for purposes unrelated to national security, the enforcement of laws, or any other lawful function of his office; he did direct, authorize, or permit the use of information obtained thereby for purposes unrelated to national security, the enforcement of laws, or any other lawful function of his office; and he did direct the concealment of certain records made by the Federal Bureau of Investigation of electronic surveillance.
(3) He has, acting personally and through his subordinates and agents, in violation or disregard of the constitutional rights of citizens, authorized and permitted to be maintained a secret investigative unit within the office of the President, financed in part with money derived from campaign contributions to him, which unlawfully utilized the resources of the Central Intelligence Agency, engaged in covert and unlawful activities, and attempted to prejudice the constitutional right of an accused to a fair trial.
(4) He has failed to take care that the laws were faithfully executed by failing to act when he knew or had reason to know that his close subordinates endeavored to impede and frustrate lawful inquiries by duly constituted executive; judicial and legislative entities concerning the unlawful entry into the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee, and the cover-up thereof, and concerning other unlawful activities including those relating to the confirmation of Richard Kleindienst as attorney general of the United States, the electronic surveillance of private citizens, the break-in into the office of Dr. Lewis Fielding, and the campaign financing practices of the Committee to Re-elect the President.
(5) In disregard of the rule of law: he knowingly misused the executive power by interfering with agencies of the executive branch: including the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Criminal Division and the Office of Watergate Special Prosecution Force of the Department of Justice, in violation of his duty to take care that the laws by faithfully executed.
In all of this, Richard M. Nixon has acted in a manner contrary to his trust as President and subversive of constitutional government, to the great prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury of the people of the United States.
Wherefore Richard M. Nixon, by such conduct, warrants impeachment and trial, and removal from office.
(Approved 28-10 by the House Judiciary Committee on Monday, July 29, 1974.)
Article 3: Contempt of Congress.
In his conduct of the office of President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, contrary to his oath faithfully to execute the office of the President of the United States, and to the best of his ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in violation of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, had failed without lawful cause or excuse, to produce papers and things as directed by duly authorized subpoenas issued by the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives, on April 11, 1974, May 15, 1974, May 30, 1974, and June 24, 1974, and willfully disobeyed such subpoenas. The subpoenaed papers and things were deemed necessary by the Committee in order to resolve by direct evidence fundamental, factual questions relating to Presidential direction, knowledge or approval of actions demonstrated by other evidence to be substantial grounds for impeachment of the President. In refusing to produce these papers and things, Richard M. Nixon, substituting his judgement as to what materials were necessary for the inquiry, interposed the powers of the Presidency against the lawful subpoenas of the House of Representatives, thereby assuming to himself functions and judgments necessary to the exercise of the sole power of impeachment vested by Constitution in the House of Representatives.
In all this, Richard M. Nixon has acted in a manner contrary to his trust as President and subversive of constitutional government, to the great prejudice of the cause of law and justice, and to the manifest injury of the people of the United States.
Wherefore, Richard M. Nixon, by such conduct, warrants impeachment and trial and removal from office.
(Approved 21-17 by the House Judiciary Committee on Tuesday, July 30, 1974.)
Consequences:
On August 5, 1974, the long sought after audio tapes provided the "smoking gun" which revealed President Nixon had been deeply involved in the coverup and had ordered Haldeman to halt the FBI investigation just six days after the Watergate break-in. (Real Audio :06 "...call the FBI and say that we wish, for the country, don't go any further into this case, period..." -- Nixon to Haldeman, June 23, 1972.)
That revelation resulted in a complete collapse of support for Nixon in Congress. On Friday, August 9, Nixon resigned the presidency and avoided the likely prospect of losing the impeachment vote in the full House and a subsequent trial in the Senate. He thus became the only U.S. President ever to resign. Vice President Gerald R. Ford succeeded him and a month later granted Nixon a full pardon for any crimes he might have committed while President.
Richard Nixon had served a total of 2,026 days as the 37th President of the United States. He left office with 2 1/2 years of his second term remaining. A total of 25 officials from his administration, including four cabinet members, were eventually convicted and imprisoned for various crimes.
"...I think that the Watergate tragedy is the greatest tragedy this country has ever suffered. I used to think that the Civil War was our country's greatest tragedy, but I do remember that there were some redeeming features in the Civil War in that there was some spirit of sacrifice and heroism displayed on both sides. I see no redeeming features in Watergate." -- Senator Sam Ervin.
MK: Sri Mulyani dan Boediono Kalah, Bukan Salah
KAMIS, 04 MARET 2010 | 19:29 WIB
Besar Kecil Normal
TEMPO Interaktif, Jakarta -Ketua Mahkamah Konstitusi Mahfud Md berpendapat Menteri Keuangan Sri Mulyani Indrawati dan Wakil Presiden Boediono hanya kalah dalam sidang paripurna Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, namun bukan berarti mereka bersalah. "Keputusan DPR tentang hasil pansus (panitia khusus hak angket Bank Century) bukan berarti Boediono dan Sri Mulyani itu salah, tapi kalah saja dalam politik," ujarnya di Jakarta, Kamis (4/3).
Dalam politik, tekanannya adalah menang atau kalah. "Kalau mau menilai benar atau salah harus melalui proses hukum," katanya. Ia menilai wajar saja jika partai politik yang menang dalam sidang paripurna asyik berpesta. Tetapi dia menegaskan, sama sekali belum ada dampak hukum dari kemenangan itu terhadap Sri Mulyani dan Boediono.
Keduanya sejauh ini masih tetap bisa menjabat. Bagi Sri Mulyani, aman-tidaknya kursi Menteri Keuangan ada di tangan Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Sedangkan untuk melengserkan Boediono, harus ada proses politik dan hukum yang panjang di DPR, Mahkamah Konstitusi, dan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat.
Dalam rapat paripurna semalam, DPR menyatakan kebijakan pemerintah mengucurkan dana talangan ke Bank Century tidak tepat dan melanggar hukum.
BUNGA MANGGIASIH
Nasib Boediono-Sri Mulyani di Tubir Jurang?
Boediono dan Sri Mulyani sesungguhnya merupakan dua sosok ekonom andalan Indonesia.
KAMIS, 4 MARET 2010, 09:54 WIB
Heri Susanto
Menkeu Sri Mulyani dan Boediono (antara)
BERITA TERKAIT
Malam Ini, SBY Pidato Tanggapi Pansus Century
"Di Segala Zaman Tuhan Memihak Kebenaran"
Demokrat Tumbang, Rupiah Tak Terpengaruh
PPP Pilih Opsi C, Suryadharma Ancam Mundur?
PPP Akui Ada Tekanan
Web Tools
VIVAnews - Hasil voting rapat paripurna terkait Hak Angket PT Bank Century Tbk Rabu malam, memukul telak kubu Partai Demokrat. Rapat paripurna menghasilkan 218 suara untuk kubu Demokrat, PKB dan PAN versus 325 untuk kubu PDIP, Golkar, PKS, PPP, Gerindra dan Hanura.
Putusan ini berimplikasi panjang karena hasil voting rapat paripurna memutuskan kebijakan bail-out Bank Century senilai Rp 6,7 triliun dianggap salah. Itu berujung pada dua orang yang menjadi titik sentral kebijakan tersebut, yakni mantan Gubernur BI Boediono dan Menteri Keuangan Sri Mulyani Indrawati.
Suara-suara yang menghendaki agar kedua pejabat itu nonaktif pun bermunculan. Salah satunya, dari anggota Panitia Khusus Hak Angket Century dari Partai Hanura, Akbar Faisal. Dia meminta agar Wakil Presiden Boediono dan Menkeu Sri Mulyani nonaktif.
"Perlu adanya sikap terhormat dan negarawan, khususnya dari Boediono dan Sri Mulyani," kata Faisal tadi malam. Namun, ketua DPR Marzuki Alie meminta kedua pejabat itu tidak mengundurkan diri.
Boediono dan Sri Mulyani sesungguhnya merupakan dua sosok ekonom andalan Indonesia yang dikenal bersih dan berperan besar dalam pembangunan ekonomi negeri ini.
Boediono adalah sosok ekonom senior yang dikenal bersahaja dan santun. Meski bergaji lebih dari Rp 100 juta per bulan saat menjabat Gubernur BI, Boediono tetap sederhana. Boediono, dipilih menjadi pendamping Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, juga bukan karena kemauan dirinya. Tetapi, SBY memilih karena pria asal Blitar itu dikenal cerdas, ulet, pekerja keras, dan bertanggungjawab.
Guru besar FE UGM ini berpengalaman lengkap di jajaran tim ekonomi karena pernah bekerja di lima presiden, mulai Soeharto, Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati hingga SBY. Doktor Ekonomi Bisnis jebolan Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania, AS dianggap sukses membenahi ekonomi amburadul yang diwarisi dari era Gus Dur. Majalah Business Week (AS) memberi gelar tokoh kompeten sebagai Bintang Asia bidang keuangan pada 2003.
Sedangkan, Sri Mulyani juga dianggap sebagai sosok ekonom yang memiliki kaliber internasional. Dia dianggap mampu menyelamatkan ekonomi Indonesia dari terjangan krisis keuangan global, melakukan reformasi birokrasi, serta berpengaruh bagi tatanan ekonomi di nasional, regional, dan internasional.
Seperti halnya Boediono, dia juga kerap menerima deretan penghargaan sepanjang 2008. Misalnya, pada Maret 2008, dia dianugerahi penghargaan oleh Singapore Institute of International Affair sebagai seorang pemimpin yang mempengaruhi perkembangan Asia (Leaders in Rising Asia). Dia juga pernah dinobatkan sebagai Menteri Keuangan Asia Terbaik 2008 dari majalah Emerging Markets Asia dan Menteri Keuangan Terbaik 2008 versi majalah Euro Money.
Langkah kedua ekonom sebagai tokoh sentral Komite Stabilitas Sistem Keuangan (KSSK) menyelamatkan Indonesia dari krisis finansial global pada 2008 diacungi jempol banyak kalangan. Dalam rapat paripurna kasus Century, mereka yang pro pada pendapat ini memilih opsi A yang menganggap bail-out Century benar.
Namun, sebaliknya kebijakannya menyelamatkan bank kecil, bermasalah dan dirampok bertahun-tahun oleh pemiliknya, Robert Tantular cs juga menimbulkan kontroversi tak berkesudahan. Di rapat paripurna Century, mereka memilih opsi C yang menganggap bail-out Century salah.
Menurut anggota DPR, pilihan opsi A dan C bagaikan air dan minyak sehingga tidak bisa disatukan. Seperti diputuskan rapat paripurna DPR tadi malam, opsi C menang sehingga DPR menganggap bahwa kebijakan bail-out salah.
heri.susanto@vivanews.com
• VIVAnews
Minggu, 26 September 2010 - 16:10 wib
Tri Kurniawan - Okezone
JAKARTA - Lima belas orang dari berbagai elemen LSM, mahasiswa dan organisasi massa berkumpul di Doekoen Coffee, Pancoran, Jakarta Selatan. Mereka menyatukan misi menjatuhkan pemerintahan Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono.
Aktivis Petisi 28 Haris Rusli mengatakan tiga momentum penting yang harus dimanfaatkan untuk menggulingkan Pemerintahan SBY. "Ini dilakukan untuk membuat perubahan dari opinion power menjadi real power," katanya di Doekoen Coffee, Minggu (26/9/2010).
Ketiga momentum yang dimaksud yakni, 20 0ktober mendatang yang bertepatan dengan satu tahun pemerintahan SBY, 28 Oktober di hari Sumpah Pemuda, dan 10 November bertepatan dengan hari Pahlawan.
Sementara itu Ketua BEM Indonesia Adiyatma mengatakan Pemerintahan SBY masih semu, masih banyak rakyat yang belum merdeka.
"Selama ini kita masih mengoreksi rencananya pada 28 Oktober. Kami akan evaluasi pemerintah SBY, karena selama ini masih lemah," katanya.
Lebih lanjut dia mengatakan korupsi juga masih merajalela, kasus Century tidak ada kejelasan. "Pemerinah SBY hanya dipenuhi dengan pencitraan dan bagi-bagi jabatan," tegasnya.
Baginya, peristiwa-peristiwa yang terjadi selama ini dibentuk untuk mentupi kesalahan Pemerintah. Adiyatma mencontohkan kalau penjahat tertangkap lima dikeluarkan di media tiga, sisanya untuk menutupi kesalahan selanjutnya.(hri)
Presiden : Pemakzulan Jika Ada Pasal Yang Dilanggar
KAMIS, 04 MARET 2010 | 21:36 WIB
TEMPO Interaktif, Jakarta -Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono menilai wacana pemakzulan hanya bisa dilakukan jika ada pasal-pasal pemakzulan yang dilanggar. "Mekanisme pergantiannya diatur melalui pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden. Saya mengimbau agar kita semua menghayati semangat yang terkandung dalam konstitusi itu dengan sportivitas yang tinggi," katanya dalam pidato resmi di Istana Negara.
Presiden juga berkukuh bahwa kebijakan pemerintah menggelontorkan dana talangan Rp 6,7 triliun ke Bank Century adalah kebijakan yang tepat. Dia bahkan menuding DPR melupakan faktor ancaman ekonomi global ketika kebijakan bailout dibuat.
DPR saat itu, kata Presiden, juga sepakat bahwa kondisi perekonomian sedang genting. Hal itu tercermin dari sikap DPR yang menyetujui Perppu perbaikan peraturan di bidang keuangan dan perbankan. "Adanya persepsi yang sama antara DPR dan Pemerintah itulah yang sekarang dilupakan. Sekarang sepertinya sebab-sebab yang melatarbelakangi tindakan terhadap Bank Century menjadi kabur," katanya.
Dia juga mengingatkan keputusan bailout tersebut diputuskan dimasa-masa sulit. Sehingga wajar jika informasi yang dimiliki pengambil kebijakan saat itu tak lengkap. "Pastilah berbeda pengambilan keputusan di masa normal dibandingkan pengambilan keputusan di masa krisis," kata Presiden.
Pengambilan keputusan dimasa-masa sulit inilah yang diabaikan Panitia Khusus Hak Angket. "Sayang sekali dalam proses perdebatan yang berlangsung selama bekerjanya Panitia Hak Angket sering dilupakan detik-detik sulit ketika keputusan penyelamatan Bank Century dilakukan," kata Presiden.
Presiden menilai jika pun terjadi kesalahan dalam dalam penggelontoran dana tersebut, tidak berarti kesalahan itu bisa dipidanakan. Sebab keputusan itu diambil ditengah situasi krisis dan serba darurat. "
Presiden menjamin keputusan menggelontorkan dana ke Bank Century dilakukan tanpa ada benturan kepentingan ataupun niat jahat. "Semata-mata untuk menyelamatkan perekonomian nasional, maka seharusnyalah kita tidak mempersalahkan kebijakan demikian," Presiden.
Selain itu, Presiden juga menyoroti sikap Panitia Khusus yang tak membahas persoalan penggelontoran dana ke Bank Century secara utuh. Presiden menyebutkan kalaupun Bank Century ditutup ketika itu, Pemerintah tetap harus menyediakan dana Rp 4,9 triliun untuk mengembalikan tabungan nasabah. "Dana sebesar itu adalah perkiraan minimal," katanya.
Sikap Presiden ini sebagai jawaban atas keputusan Rapat Paripurna DPR yang menyatakan penggelontoran dana ke Bank Century keliru. Presiden mengatakan saat itu pemerintah tak punya pilihan lain kecuali menyelamatkan Bank Century karena ada ancaman krisis global.
DWI RIYANTO AGUSTIAR
About President Nixon:
He served as vice president under Republican President Dwight D. Eisenhower from 1953-61. Nixon ran unsuccessfully for the presidency in 1960, losing by a very close margin to John F. Kennedy.
In 1962, Nixon ran unsuccessfully for Governor of California. This second loss led Nixon to bitterly announce he was leaving politics, telling reporters "...you won't have Nixon to kick around anymore." However, he re-emerged as a presidential candidate in 1968 and ran a successful campaign against Democrat Hubert Humphrey, squeaking out a victory in one of the closest elections in U.S. history.
In 1972, Nixon ran for re-election against Democrat George McGovern and swept to victory in a landslide with 60 percent of the popular vote, winning in every state except Massachusetts.
Events Leading to Impeachment:
A break-in occurred on the night of June 17, 1972, as five burglars entered the Democratic National Committee offices inside the Watergate office complex in Washington. Discovered by 24-year-old night watchman Frank Wills, they were arrested at the scene by police at 2:30 a.m.
Investigations soon revealed the Watergate burglars were employed by the Committee to Re-elect President Nixon. However, a White House spokesman dismissed the incident as a "third-rate burglary attempt."
In August of 1972, President Nixon told reporters, "no one in the White House staff, no one in this administration, presently employed, was involved in this very bizarre incident."
The arrest of the Watergate burglars marked the beginning of a long chain of events in which President Nixon and his top aides became deeply involved in an extensive coverup of the break-in and other White House sanctioned illegal activities.
Those activities had started in 1970 after The New York Times revealed a secret bombing campaign against neutral Cambodia in Southeast Asia was being conducted as part of the American war effort in Vietnam. Following the revelations, Nixon ordered wiretaps of reporters and government employees to discover the source of the news leaks.
In 1971, the Pentagon Papers were published in The New York Times, detailing the U.S. Defense Department's secret history of the Vietnam War. A "Plumbers" unit was then established by Nixon aides in the White House with the sole purpose of gathering political intelligence on perceived enemies and preventing further news leaks. A team of burglars from the "Plumbers" then broke into a psychiatrist's office looking for damaging information on Daniel Ellsberg, the former defense analyst who had leaked the Pentagon Papers to the press.
In 1972, as part of Nixon's re-election effort, a massive campaign of political spying and 'dirty tricks' was initiated against Democrats, leading to the Watergate break-in to plant bugs (tiny audio transmitters) inside the offices of the Democratic National Committee.
Two young reporters from the Washington Post, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, then began a dogged pursuit of the facts surrounding the break-in. Among the many items revealed by them -- one of the Watergate burglars, retired CIA employee James W. McCord, was actually the security coordinator for Nixon's re-election committee - a $25,000 cashier's check for Nixon's re-election campaign had been diverted to the bank account of one of the burglars - Attorney General John Mitchell had controlled a secret fund which financed political spying and dirty tricks targeting Democratic presidential candidates.
Perhaps the most notorious dirty trick was a letter planted in a New Hampshire newspaper alleging that leading Democratic presidential candidate, Senator Edmund Muskie of Maine, had referred to Americans of French-Canadian descent as "Canucks."
On a snowy New Hampshire day, standing outside the offices of the newspaper, Musky gave a rambling, tearful denial. His emotional conduct, replayed on television, caused him to drop in the New Hampshire polls shortly before the presidential primary. George McGovern, considered a weaker candidate by Nixon political strategists, eventually won the 1972 Democratic nomination and lost the general election to Nixon in a landslide.
In February of 1973, the U.S. Senate established a Select Committee on Presidential Campaign Activities, chaired by Sen. Sam Ervin, to investigate all of the events surrounding Watergate and other allegations of political spying and sabotage conducted on behalf of Nixon's re-election.
March and April of 1973 saw the start of the unraveling of the coverup. On March 23, one of the five burglars convicted after the Watergate break-in, James W. McCord, informed U.S. District Judge John J. Sirica that he was being pressured to remain silent. On April 20, acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray resigned after admitting he had destroyed Watergate evidence under pressure from Nixon aides. Ten days later, four of Nixon's top officials resigned: Chief of Staff H.R. Haldeman; Domestic Affairs Assistant John Ehrlichman; Attorney General Richard Kleindienst; and Presidential Counsel John Dean.
The Senate Select Committee began televised hearings on May 17. A month later, former Presidential Counsel John Dean testified there was an ongoing White House coverup and that Nixon had been personally involved in the payment of hush money to the five burglars and two other operatives involved in planning the Watergate break-in. Three weeks later, another Nixon aide revealed the President had ordered hidden microphones installed in the Oval Office in the spring of 1971 and had recorded most conversations since then on audio tape.
The tapes then became the focus of an intensive year-long legal battle between all three branches of the U.S. government. In October of 1973, Watergate Special Prosecutor Archibald Cox, who had been appointed by the Nixon administration, publicly vowed to obtain the tapes despite Nixon's strong objections.
This resulted in the "Saturday Night Massacre" on October 20 in which Nixon attempted to fire Cox, but was temporarily thwarted as Attorney General Elliot Richardson and Deputy Attorney General William Ruckelshaus refused Nixon's order and instead resigned. Solicitor General Robert Bork agreed to carry out the order and fired Cox.
The minute-by-minute events of the "Saturday Night Massacre" were covered live by stunned reporters on network television starting about 8:30 p.m. and sent a political shockwave throughout America that led to immediate calls for impeachment.
"Whether ours shall continue to be a government of laws and not of men is now for Congress and ultimately the American people," Archibald Cox stated after his firing. Ten days later, impeachment proceedings in the House of Representatives began as the House Judiciary Committee, chaired by Rep. Peter Rodino, started its preliminary investigation.
Nixon responded to public outrage by initially agreeing to turn over some of the tapes. However, the White House then revealed that two of the tapes no longer existed and later revealed there was an 18 minute blank gap on a crucial recording of the President and H.R. Haldeman taped three days after the Watergate break-in.
Nixon's new Chief of Staff Alexander M. Haig Jr. suggested the possibility that "some sinister force" had erased portions of the subpoenaed tape. President Nixon's personal secretary Rose Mary Woods was eventually blamed as having caused the erasure supposedly after she had been asked to prepare a summary of taped conversations for the President.
In November of 1973, amid all of the controversy, Nixon made a scheduled appearance before 400 Associated Press managing editors in Florida. During a feisty question and answer period he maintained his innocence, stating, "... in all of my years in public life I have never obstructed justice...People have got to know whether or not their President is a crook. Well, I'm not a crook." (Real Audio :24)
To avoid handing over all of the 42 subpoenaed tapes to the House Judiciary Committee, Nixon instead released 1,254 pages of edited transcripts of 20 tapes in the spring of 1974. But the transcripts caused a national sensation as Americans glimpsed behind closed doors for the first time at a cynical Nixon who frequently used obscene language in the Oval Office, in contrast to his carefully tailored public image. The transcripts also revealed Nixon frequently discussing Watergate including the raising of "hush money" to keep the burglars quiet.
"We could get that. On the money, if you need the money you could get that. You could get a million dollars. You could get it in cash. I know where it could be gotten. It is not easy, but it could be done. But the question is, Who would handle it? Any ideas on that?" -- Nixon to John Dean, March 21, 1973.
The new Special Prosecutor, Leon Jaworski, who had been appointed by the Justice Department, pursued Nixon's tapes all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court. On July 24, 1974, the Court unanimously ruled that Nixon had to surrender the tapes.
On Saturday, July 27, the House Judiciary Committee approved its first article of impeachment charging President Nixon with obstruction of justice. Six of the Committee's 17 Republicans joined all 21 Democrats in voting for the article. The following Monday the Committee approved its second article charging Nixon with abuse of power. The next day, the third and final article, contempt of Congress, was approved.
Articles of Impeachment:
RESOLVED, That Richard M. Nixon, President of the United States, is impeached for high crimes and misdemeanors, and that the following articles of impeachment to be exhibited to the Senate:
ARTICLES OF IMPEACHMENT EXHIBITED BY THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA IN THE NAME OF ITSELF AND OF ALL OF THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, AGAINST RICHARD M. NIXON, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN MAINTENANCE AND SUPPORT OF ITS IMPEACHMENT AGAINST HIM FOR HIGH CRIMES AND MISDEMEANOURS.
Article 1: Obstruction of Justice.
In his conduct of the office of the President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, in violation of his constitutional oath faithfully to execute the office of President of the United States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in violation of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has prevented, obstructed, and impeded the administration of justice, in that: On June 17, 1972, and prior thereto, agents of the Committee for the Re-Election of the President committed unlawful entry of the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee in Washington, District of Columbia, for the purpose of securing political intelligence. Subsequent thereto, Richard M. Nixon, using the powers of his high office, engaged personally and through his subordinates and agents in a course of conduct or plan designed to delay, impede and obstruct investigations of such unlawful entry; to cover up, conceal and protect those responsible and to conceal the existence and scope of other unlawful covert activities. The means used to implement this course of conduct or plan have included one or more of the following:
(1) Making or causing to be made false or misleading statements to lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States.
(2) Withholding relevant and material evidence or information from lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States.
(3) Approving, condoning, acquiescing in, and counseling witnesses with respect to the giving of false or misleading statements to lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States and false or misleading testimony in duly instituted judicial and congressional proceedings.
(4) Interfering or endeavoring to interfere with the conduct of investigations by the Department of Justice of the United States, the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the office of Watergate Special Prosecution Force and congressional committees.
(5) Approving, condoning, and acquiescing in, the surreptitious payments of substantial sums of money for the purpose of obtaining the silence or influencing the testimony of witnesses, potential witnesses or individuals who participated in such unlawful entry and other illegal activities.
(6) Endeavoring to misuse the Central Intelligence Agency, an agency of the United States.
(7) Disseminating information received from officers of the Department of Justice of the United States to subjects of investigations conducted by lawfully authorized investigative officers and employes of the United States for the purpose of aiding and assisting such subjects in their attempts to avoid criminal liability.
(8) Making false or misleading public statements for the purpose of deceiving the people of the United States into believing that a thorough and complete investigation has been conducted with respect to allegation of misconduct on the part of personnel of the Executive Branch of the United States and personnel of the Committee for the Re-Election of the President, and that there was no involvement of such personnel in such misconduct; or
(9) Endeavoring to cause prospective defendants, and individuals duly tried and convicted, to expect favored treatment and consideration in return for their silence or false testimony, or rewarding individuals for their silence or false testimony.
In all of this, Richard M. Nixon has acted in a manner contrary to his trust as President and subversive of constitutional government, to the great prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury of the people of the United States.
Wherefore Richard M. Nixon, by such conduct, warrants impeachment and trial, and removal from office.
(Approved by a vote of 27-11 by the House Judiciary Committee on Saturday, July 27, 1974.)
Article 2: Abuse of Power.
Using the powers of the office of President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, in violation of his constitutional oath faithfully to execute the office of President of the United States and, to the best of his ability, preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in disregard of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, has repeatedly engaged in conduct violating the constitutional rights of citizens, imparting the due and proper administration of justice and the conduct of lawful inquiries, or contravening the laws governing agencies of the executive branch and the purposes of these agencies.
This conduct has included one or more of the following:
(1) He has, acting personally and through his subordinated and agents, endeavored to obtain from the Internal Revenue Service, in violation of the constitutional rights of citizens, confidential information contained in income tax returns for purposes not authorized by law, and to cause, in violation of the constitutional rights of citizens, income tax audits or other income tax investigation to be initiated or conducted in a discriminatory manner.
(2) He misused the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Secret Service, and other executive personnel, in violation or disregard of the constitutional rights of citizens, by directing or authorizing such agencies or personnel to conduct or continue electronic surveillance or other investigations for purposes unrelated to national security, the enforcement of laws, or any other lawful function of his office; he did direct, authorize, or permit the use of information obtained thereby for purposes unrelated to national security, the enforcement of laws, or any other lawful function of his office; and he did direct the concealment of certain records made by the Federal Bureau of Investigation of electronic surveillance.
(3) He has, acting personally and through his subordinates and agents, in violation or disregard of the constitutional rights of citizens, authorized and permitted to be maintained a secret investigative unit within the office of the President, financed in part with money derived from campaign contributions to him, which unlawfully utilized the resources of the Central Intelligence Agency, engaged in covert and unlawful activities, and attempted to prejudice the constitutional right of an accused to a fair trial.
(4) He has failed to take care that the laws were faithfully executed by failing to act when he knew or had reason to know that his close subordinates endeavored to impede and frustrate lawful inquiries by duly constituted executive; judicial and legislative entities concerning the unlawful entry into the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee, and the cover-up thereof, and concerning other unlawful activities including those relating to the confirmation of Richard Kleindienst as attorney general of the United States, the electronic surveillance of private citizens, the break-in into the office of Dr. Lewis Fielding, and the campaign financing practices of the Committee to Re-elect the President.
(5) In disregard of the rule of law: he knowingly misused the executive power by interfering with agencies of the executive branch: including the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Criminal Division and the Office of Watergate Special Prosecution Force of the Department of Justice, in violation of his duty to take care that the laws by faithfully executed.
In all of this, Richard M. Nixon has acted in a manner contrary to his trust as President and subversive of constitutional government, to the great prejudice of the cause of law and justice and to the manifest injury of the people of the United States.
Wherefore Richard M. Nixon, by such conduct, warrants impeachment and trial, and removal from office.
(Approved 28-10 by the House Judiciary Committee on Monday, July 29, 1974.)
Article 3: Contempt of Congress.
In his conduct of the office of President of the United States, Richard M. Nixon, contrary to his oath faithfully to execute the office of the President of the United States, and to the best of his ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States, and in violation of his constitutional duty to take care that the laws be faithfully executed, had failed without lawful cause or excuse, to produce papers and things as directed by duly authorized subpoenas issued by the Committee on the Judiciary of the House of Representatives, on April 11, 1974, May 15, 1974, May 30, 1974, and June 24, 1974, and willfully disobeyed such subpoenas. The subpoenaed papers and things were deemed necessary by the Committee in order to resolve by direct evidence fundamental, factual questions relating to Presidential direction, knowledge or approval of actions demonstrated by other evidence to be substantial grounds for impeachment of the President. In refusing to produce these papers and things, Richard M. Nixon, substituting his judgement as to what materials were necessary for the inquiry, interposed the powers of the Presidency against the lawful subpoenas of the House of Representatives, thereby assuming to himself functions and judgments necessary to the exercise of the sole power of impeachment vested by Constitution in the House of Representatives.
In all this, Richard M. Nixon has acted in a manner contrary to his trust as President and subversive of constitutional government, to the great prejudice of the cause of law and justice, and to the manifest injury of the people of the United States.
Wherefore, Richard M. Nixon, by such conduct, warrants impeachment and trial and removal from office.
(Approved 21-17 by the House Judiciary Committee on Tuesday, July 30, 1974.)
Consequences:
On August 5, 1974, the long sought after audio tapes provided the "smoking gun" which revealed President Nixon had been deeply involved in the coverup and had ordered Haldeman to halt the FBI investigation just six days after the Watergate break-in. (Real Audio :06 "...call the FBI and say that we wish, for the country, don't go any further into this case, period..." -- Nixon to Haldeman, June 23, 1972.)
That revelation resulted in a complete collapse of support for Nixon in Congress. On Friday, August 9, Nixon resigned the presidency and avoided the likely prospect of losing the impeachment vote in the full House and a subsequent trial in the Senate. He thus became the only U.S. President ever to resign. Vice President Gerald R. Ford succeeded him and a month later granted Nixon a full pardon for any crimes he might have committed while President.
Richard Nixon had served a total of 2,026 days as the 37th President of the United States. He left office with 2 1/2 years of his second term remaining. A total of 25 officials from his administration, including four cabinet members, were eventually convicted and imprisoned for various crimes.
"...I think that the Watergate tragedy is the greatest tragedy this country has ever suffered. I used to think that the Civil War was our country's greatest tragedy, but I do remember that there were some redeeming features in the Civil War in that there was some spirit of sacrifice and heroism displayed on both sides. I see no redeeming features in Watergate." -- Senator Sam Ervin.
MK: Sri Mulyani dan Boediono Kalah, Bukan Salah
KAMIS, 04 MARET 2010 | 19:29 WIB
Besar Kecil Normal
TEMPO Interaktif, Jakarta -Ketua Mahkamah Konstitusi Mahfud Md berpendapat Menteri Keuangan Sri Mulyani Indrawati dan Wakil Presiden Boediono hanya kalah dalam sidang paripurna Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, namun bukan berarti mereka bersalah. "Keputusan DPR tentang hasil pansus (panitia khusus hak angket Bank Century) bukan berarti Boediono dan Sri Mulyani itu salah, tapi kalah saja dalam politik," ujarnya di Jakarta, Kamis (4/3).
Dalam politik, tekanannya adalah menang atau kalah. "Kalau mau menilai benar atau salah harus melalui proses hukum," katanya. Ia menilai wajar saja jika partai politik yang menang dalam sidang paripurna asyik berpesta. Tetapi dia menegaskan, sama sekali belum ada dampak hukum dari kemenangan itu terhadap Sri Mulyani dan Boediono.
Keduanya sejauh ini masih tetap bisa menjabat. Bagi Sri Mulyani, aman-tidaknya kursi Menteri Keuangan ada di tangan Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Sedangkan untuk melengserkan Boediono, harus ada proses politik dan hukum yang panjang di DPR, Mahkamah Konstitusi, dan Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat.
Dalam rapat paripurna semalam, DPR menyatakan kebijakan pemerintah mengucurkan dana talangan ke Bank Century tidak tepat dan melanggar hukum.
BUNGA MANGGIASIH
Nasib Boediono-Sri Mulyani di Tubir Jurang?
Boediono dan Sri Mulyani sesungguhnya merupakan dua sosok ekonom andalan Indonesia.
KAMIS, 4 MARET 2010, 09:54 WIB
Heri Susanto
Menkeu Sri Mulyani dan Boediono (antara)
BERITA TERKAIT
Malam Ini, SBY Pidato Tanggapi Pansus Century
"Di Segala Zaman Tuhan Memihak Kebenaran"
Demokrat Tumbang, Rupiah Tak Terpengaruh
PPP Pilih Opsi C, Suryadharma Ancam Mundur?
PPP Akui Ada Tekanan
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VIVAnews - Hasil voting rapat paripurna terkait Hak Angket PT Bank Century Tbk Rabu malam, memukul telak kubu Partai Demokrat. Rapat paripurna menghasilkan 218 suara untuk kubu Demokrat, PKB dan PAN versus 325 untuk kubu PDIP, Golkar, PKS, PPP, Gerindra dan Hanura.
Putusan ini berimplikasi panjang karena hasil voting rapat paripurna memutuskan kebijakan bail-out Bank Century senilai Rp 6,7 triliun dianggap salah. Itu berujung pada dua orang yang menjadi titik sentral kebijakan tersebut, yakni mantan Gubernur BI Boediono dan Menteri Keuangan Sri Mulyani Indrawati.
Suara-suara yang menghendaki agar kedua pejabat itu nonaktif pun bermunculan. Salah satunya, dari anggota Panitia Khusus Hak Angket Century dari Partai Hanura, Akbar Faisal. Dia meminta agar Wakil Presiden Boediono dan Menkeu Sri Mulyani nonaktif.
"Perlu adanya sikap terhormat dan negarawan, khususnya dari Boediono dan Sri Mulyani," kata Faisal tadi malam. Namun, ketua DPR Marzuki Alie meminta kedua pejabat itu tidak mengundurkan diri.
Boediono dan Sri Mulyani sesungguhnya merupakan dua sosok ekonom andalan Indonesia yang dikenal bersih dan berperan besar dalam pembangunan ekonomi negeri ini.
Boediono adalah sosok ekonom senior yang dikenal bersahaja dan santun. Meski bergaji lebih dari Rp 100 juta per bulan saat menjabat Gubernur BI, Boediono tetap sederhana. Boediono, dipilih menjadi pendamping Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, juga bukan karena kemauan dirinya. Tetapi, SBY memilih karena pria asal Blitar itu dikenal cerdas, ulet, pekerja keras, dan bertanggungjawab.
Guru besar FE UGM ini berpengalaman lengkap di jajaran tim ekonomi karena pernah bekerja di lima presiden, mulai Soeharto, Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati hingga SBY. Doktor Ekonomi Bisnis jebolan Wharton School, University of Pennsylvania, AS dianggap sukses membenahi ekonomi amburadul yang diwarisi dari era Gus Dur. Majalah Business Week (AS) memberi gelar tokoh kompeten sebagai Bintang Asia bidang keuangan pada 2003.
Sedangkan, Sri Mulyani juga dianggap sebagai sosok ekonom yang memiliki kaliber internasional. Dia dianggap mampu menyelamatkan ekonomi Indonesia dari terjangan krisis keuangan global, melakukan reformasi birokrasi, serta berpengaruh bagi tatanan ekonomi di nasional, regional, dan internasional.
Seperti halnya Boediono, dia juga kerap menerima deretan penghargaan sepanjang 2008. Misalnya, pada Maret 2008, dia dianugerahi penghargaan oleh Singapore Institute of International Affair sebagai seorang pemimpin yang mempengaruhi perkembangan Asia (Leaders in Rising Asia). Dia juga pernah dinobatkan sebagai Menteri Keuangan Asia Terbaik 2008 dari majalah Emerging Markets Asia dan Menteri Keuangan Terbaik 2008 versi majalah Euro Money.
Langkah kedua ekonom sebagai tokoh sentral Komite Stabilitas Sistem Keuangan (KSSK) menyelamatkan Indonesia dari krisis finansial global pada 2008 diacungi jempol banyak kalangan. Dalam rapat paripurna kasus Century, mereka yang pro pada pendapat ini memilih opsi A yang menganggap bail-out Century benar.
Namun, sebaliknya kebijakannya menyelamatkan bank kecil, bermasalah dan dirampok bertahun-tahun oleh pemiliknya, Robert Tantular cs juga menimbulkan kontroversi tak berkesudahan. Di rapat paripurna Century, mereka memilih opsi C yang menganggap bail-out Century salah.
Menurut anggota DPR, pilihan opsi A dan C bagaikan air dan minyak sehingga tidak bisa disatukan. Seperti diputuskan rapat paripurna DPR tadi malam, opsi C menang sehingga DPR menganggap bahwa kebijakan bail-out salah.
heri.susanto@vivanews.com
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