dengan MATA TERBELALAK

'Mata Tertutup': Kemiskinan dan Akar Lain Radikalisme Agama Is Mujiarso - detikhot Jumat, 16/03/2012 17:36 WIB Jakarta - Meskipun hanya diberi jatah 4 layar di jaringan bioskop 21 Jakarta, karya terbaru Garin Nugroho 'Mata Tertutup' akhirnya bisa disaksikan publik secara luas. Itupun disertai dengan insiden "kekurangan administrasi" dari Lembaga Sensor Film yang membuat penayangannya sempat tersendat di hari pertama, Kamis (15/3/2012) kemarin. Film hasil kerja sama dengan Maarif Institut itu tayang perdana November 2011 dan selama ini hanya diputar di berbagai forum-forum terbatas. Penayangannya secara reguler di bioskop merupakan kesempatan bagi masyarakat untuk menontonnya karena film ini memang dimaksudkan sebagai pendidikan kewarganegaraan terutama bagi anak-anak muda dan orangtuanya. Dibuat berdasarkan riset yang dilakukan Maarif Institut, film ini mengikuti perjalanan tiga anak muda berbeda latar belakang pendidikan dan kelas sosial. Namun, mereka memiliki kesamaan problem: sama-sama krisis eksistensi, mencari pelarian, dan terjebak. Jebakan itu adalah ideologi fundamentalisme (agama) yang penuh rayuan membebaskan jiwa. Judul 'Mata Tertutup' boleh jadi merupakan metafor bagi ideologi yang membutakan anak-anak muda "putus harapan" itu. Namun, secara harfiah "mata tertutup" juga menjadi cara bagi kelompok-kelompok fundamentalis itu ketika merekrut anggota baru. Dikisahkan, Rima (Eka Nusa Pertiwi) adalah seorang mahasiswa yang pintar dan gelisah. Pencariannya bermuara pada organisasi Negara Islam Indonesia (NII) yang memberinya panggung untuk mewadahi kegelisahannya itu. Rima tumbuh menjadi anggota yang berprestasi, handal dalam merekrut anggota-anggota baru, namun kemudian kecewa karena organisasi itu tak seperti yang dibayangkannya. Pada sisi lain, penonton diberi "imbangan" cerita dari sisi seorang ibu (diperankan Jajang C Noer) yang kehilangan anaknya, yang diduga --dan belakangan memang terbukti-- karena direkrut NII. Beiringan dengan dua sub-plot itu, penonton mendapat satu personifikasi lagi dari sosok Jabir (M Dinu Imansyah) untuk melengkapi gambaran mengenai bagaimana ideologi fundamentalisme (Islam) di Indonesia bekerja pada anak-anak muda. Bila Rima dan satu lagi si anak hilang tadi mewakili kelas sosial menengah yang terpelajar, maka Jabir mengkonfirmasi salah satu stereotip yang berkembang selama ini bahwa kemiskinan merupakan akar dari keterjerumusan anak-anak muda dalam gerakan radikal agama. Jabir yang terpaksa meninggalkan pesantren karena sudah lama menunggak bayaran, dalam perjalanannya kembali ke kampung bertemu dengan seorang pria misterius. Pria itulah yang kemudian membawanya masuk ke sebuah kelompok radikal Islam yang biasa berjihad dengan bom. Adegan-adegan yang melibatkan Jabir memberi sentuhan humor segar bagi film ini, lewat sahabat Jabir yang selalu ceria. Syuting di Yogyakarta, Garin menampilkan para pemain teater setempat sebagai para pemeran utama film ini. Hasilnya adalah paduan akting yang natural dan ciamik. Mereka tampak lebih banyak berimprovisasi secara bebas, ketimbang digerakkan oleh sebuah skenario yang "jadi" dari awal. Meskipun sepi dari simbol-simbol dam metafora rumit seperti film-film sebelumnya, Garin tetap mempersembahkan gambar-gambar artistik yang telah menjadi ciri khasnya. Mungkin memang inilah film Garin yang paling "mudah" ditonton. Kendati sejak awal dibuat dengan tujuan untuk pendidikan dan kampanye nilai-nilai anti-fundamentalisme, 'Mata Tertutup' tak seperti film propaganda yang verbal dan kaku. Sebaliknya, film ini berhasil menjadi sebuah karya yang bagus. Bahkan, tak berlebihan rasanya menyebut 'Mata Tertutup' sebagai salah satu film terbaik pada 2012 ini. Wajib ditonton! (mmu/mmu)

Papua, perbatasan yang tidak lurus

Opinionator - A Gathering of Opinion From Around the Web March 13, 2012, 12:30 pm Who Bit My Border? By FRANK JACOBS new york times You probably don’t think much about the border between Indonesia and Papua New Guinea. And when you do, you might not think much of it. It looks so straightforward and simple: following the 141st meridian east, it neatly splits the island of New Guinea [1] in two almost equal halves. The western half is part of Indonesia, while the eastern half forms the bulk of the independent state of Papua New Guinea, which also consists of the Bismarck Archipelago [2] and several smaller islands. The border has an understated beauty: the whole of New Guinea itself, which looks like a tilde, seems to balance on that line halfway across it, as if the island were an Alexander Calder mobile, and the border the string holding it up. Whether you consider the accidental symmetry of the Papuan border pretty, or just pretty boring, is a matter of taste. It is also beside the point: zoom in on the southern half of the border, and its evident simplicity collapses. The New York Times About 250 miles south of its northern terminus at Wutung, on the Pacific coast, there’s a huge chunk missing from the straight line as the border jags west. It looks like teeth marks, as if someone took a giant bite out of the border but then decided they didn’t like the taste of it after all. That chunk is a bend in the Fly River, most of which courses east of the border, on the Papua New Guinea side. The bend strays west across the 141st meridian over a distance of about 40 miles, as the Torresian crow flies. Following the thalweg along its many twists and turns, the riverine border adds up to about 95 miles. Curiously, when the Fly bends back west and the border resumes its straight southward course, it does so 1.3 miles east of the 141st parallel [3], an indentation that is imperceptible on all but the most detailed maps. It’s hard to see what could be the advantage of having a border run through impenetrable jungle slightly to the east of another, equally impenetrable stretch of jungle. Which raises the question, as itchy as those mosquito bites reported by venturers into the Papuan inlands: Why? The answer lies at the border’s southern terminus, another 150 miles farther down, on the shores of the Arafura Sea. And it involves headhunting — but not in the “Hey, have we got a job for you!” sense of the word. In 1893, the area was plagued by a rash of actual, proper headhunting. These raids required action from the British, who then were the colonial power in the southeastern quarter of Papua New Guinea. But their room for maneuver was complicated by the dubious, unmarked position of the border with the then-Dutch-controlled west of New Guinea. The problem was solved by a deal that moved the border below the Fly a bit to the east, to the mouth of the Bensbach [4] River, conveniently nearby, in exchange for the adoption of the Fly River border, further north. Not only did this make it easier to police the region — British patrols could go much farther upriver without having to cross borders — it also enabled British gold diggers [5] to travel farther inland as well (at least in theory: most of New Guinea’s heavily forested and mountainous interior remained unexplored by Westerners until the early 20th century). The rather haphazard modification of the 141st-parallel border is all the more remarkable for its unintended consequences. For at least in some definitions, the modified line has become the continental border between Asia and Oceania. As continents go, Oceania is one of the more difficult ones to pin down [6]. The original, and broadest definition of Oceania includes all land masses between Asia and America — including Australia, New Zealand and all the islands of Indonesia and Japan up to Alaska’s Aleutian islands. The narrowest definition only comprises the islands of Polynesia, Micronesia and Melanesia. The most common one includes Australasia in its entirety [7]. The latter definition still allows for plenty of variance. From a purely geographic point of view, the whole island of New Guinea may still be included in the definition of Oceania. But geopolitics provides Oceania with the ultimate paradox for a continent of islands: a land border. Papua New Guinea is in Oceania. Western New Guinea, being Indonesian, is part of Asia [8]. That means that the mouth of the Bensbach separates two continents — and that the bend in the Fly is an intercontinental border, the only one of this type besides the Ural River, dividing Europe from Asia. The Papuan border is not only intercontinental, is resonant of an even older, global border: the 141st meridian east is almost exactly where the Spanish and Portuguese chose to draw the line that divided the entire world between them. In 1494, the Treaty of Tordesillas cut off a Portuguese slice from the otherwise Spanish Main in South America [9]. The logical pendant of that treaty was the one concluded at Zaragoza in 1529, which fixed the anti-meridian to the Tordesillas Line. The Zaragoza Line resolved the “Moluccas Issue.” Spain and Portugal both claimed these spice-rich [10] islands on the basis of the Tordesillas Line. The Moluccas (today often called the Maluku Islands), to the east of New Guinea and now part of Indonesia, were to the western, Spanish side of that line (if you crossed the Pacific to get there) but also on its eastern, Portuguese side (if you sailed past Africa and India). Although the Tordesillas Line would creep farther west into South America, it originally was set at 38 degrees west. The Zaragoza Line was fixed near its perfect pendant [11], 142 degrees east — at 297.5 sea leagues east of the Moluccas, to be exact, i.e. cutting New Guinea in two, not far from the present border. Both the Moluccas and the Philippines were on the Portuguese side of the Zaragoza Line. Yet somehow, Spain was able to finagle Portugal out of 350,000 gold ducats for the privilege of keeping what was already theirs [12], and had Portugal agree to Spanish dominion over the Philippines. The Portuguese must have really, really liked that nutmeg on their bacalhao[13]. Although the Dutch eventually kicked out the Portuguese from the Moluccas, they clung to tiny East Timor [14], just to the south, until 1975, when Indonesia overwhelmed the half-island. The East Timorese finally gained their independence in 2002, the first country to do so in the 21st century. Related More From Borderlines Read previous contributions to this series. If the Zaragoza Line never became the border between the Portuguese and Spanish halves of New Guinea, it’s not just for lack of spices. The island was saved from early colonialism by its impenetrability: innumerable valleys covered by thick rainforest. New Guinea’s valleys are even isolated from one another, which explains both its great biodiversity and its linguistic diversity [15]. The Dutch repeatedly declared their interest in New Guinea, mainly when fearing encroachment by the British. But they only managed to establish a presence in the 1890s, and never sought to extend their influence [16] beyond the 141st parallel. Since this was exactly the same meridian as cited in some Portuguese documents, some suggest that the Dutch implicitly sought to back up their shaky claim by referring back to the Zaragoza Line. After Indonesian independence in 1949, the Netherlands were keen to hold on to what effectively was their most recent acquisition in the East. But Netherlands New Guinea eventually followed the other Dutch Indies, and was transferred to Indonesia in 1969. The regional capital, Hollandia, became Jayapura, just as the national capital, Batavia, had been renamed Jakarta [17]. In part because of this complex colonial history, the Papuan border also demarcates a conflict zone. In the decades of independence, the Indonesian policy of transmigrasi[18] has exacerbated separatist tensions in Western New Guinea. The festering conflict in West Papua [19] may have claimed as many as 100,000 lives over the past few decades. Refugees have trickled and streamed across it — sometimes followed into Papua New Guinea by pursuing Indonesian security forces. Border treaties signed in 1979 and 1986 aimed to ease the resulting tensions and avoid future incursions. Nevertheless, that unassuming, seemingly straight borderline between two Papuas continues to mark the edge of countries, continents and conflicts. Frank Jacobs is a London-based author and blogger. He writes about cartography, but only the interesting bits. [1] The nomenclature of the political entities overshadows that of the geographical entity. The former stress the word Papua, while the latter is called New Guinea. The Indonesian usage of “Papua” is fairly recent, though. Until 2002, the area was called Irian Jaya. The island’s political division also obscures the fact that it is the world’s second-largest island, after Greenland. A similar onomastic dichotomy is at work on a split island in the Caribbean. Everybody knows Haiti and the Dominican Republic; few know that both countries are co-located on the island of Hispaniola. [2] That name refers to Otto von Bismarck, who was chancellor of Germany when it colonized the area in 1884. It was taken over by Australia at the outbreak of World War I, which would administer both “Papua” (i.e. southern, British New Guinea) and “New Guinea” (i.e. northern, formerly German New Guinea) until Papua New Guinea’s independence in 1975. [3] At 141 degrees, 1 minute and 47.9 seconds to be exact. If the border was at 141 degrees, the territorial difference would be almost 200 square miles (loss for Indonesia, gain for Papua New Guinea). [4] The river was named after a Dutch official, whose own name, fittingly, sounds like it might refer to a German stream (though there doesn’t seem to be a Bensbach in Germany). [5] Again to be understood in the original, not the modern sense of the word. [6] Another one is Europe. See this earlier episode of Borderlines. [7] Confusingly, the term “Australasia” is sometimes used to denote an area that covers Australia, New Zealand, New Guinea and adjacent islands, while other usage is limited to the two former countries (as in “Royal Australasian College of Physicians,” which represents Australian and New Zealand doctors only). It does not, as is sometimes assumed, refer to Australia plus Asia. You could say Melanesia is the broadest definition of Australasia minus its narrowest one. [8] The United Nations Statistics Division counts Papua New Guinea as part of Oceania; and Indonesia as part of Asia. [9] Explaining why Brazil speaks Portuguese, not Spanish. And also, obliquely, why the Guyanas speak neither. For more, see this previous episode. [10] Nutmeg and cloves, mostly. Just imagine a world in which not the illegal trade in uranium, but in spices is a main source of conflict between nations. [11] Both meridians together (and in fact any meridian and its anti-meridian) are known as an “orthodrome,” or great circle. An orthodrome of a sphere intersects with its center, thus creating a circle with the largest possible circumference. [12] Via the principle of uti possidetis: if your flag flies from it, it’s yours. [13] Portuguese for codfish. Instead of nutmeg, add half a cup of red or white wine. [14] Timor itself means “east” in Malay, so the Indonesian name for the island’s eastern half is Timor Timur, often abbreviated to TimTim. [15] Papua New Guinea is a biodiversity hotspot, with an estimated 5 percent of the world’s species (on just 1 percent of the world’s land surface). It is also a linguistic hotspot, with over 830 different languages identified. [16] Indirectly, via the Sultanate of Tidore in the Moluccas. [17] The Sanskrit roots of both renamed cities respectively mean “City of Victory” and “Total Victory.” [18] The resettlement of people from densely populated parts of Indonesia, like Java, to other, more sparsely populated parts of the archipelago. It invites comparison with similar policies in China. Its resettlement of majority Han Chinese in Tibet and Xinjiang can also be seen as a long-term strategy against separatism. [19] The term “West Papua” describes both the entire Indonesian half of the island, and the recent province of West Papua, created in 2002 and consisting mainly of the Bird’s Head Peninsula in the island’s far west. The term “Papua” is sometimes used to describe the entire island, but it is also the name of the Indonesian province between West Papua and the border with Papua New Guinea. Things were less confusing before 2007, when Indonesia preferred the use of Irian Jaya (“Glorious Irian”) over Papua.

2,5% itu RADIKAL

2,5 Persen Masyarakat Memiliki Paham Radikal Sandro Gatra | Aloysius Gonsaga Angi Ebo | Senin, 5 Maret 2012 | 16:53 WIB JAKARTA, KOMPAS.com - Direktur Penindakan Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Terorisme (BNPT) Petrus Golose mengatakan, berdasarkan penelitian UIN Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta, sekitar 2,5 masyarakat Indonesia memiliki paham radikalisme. Namun, mempelajari paham radikalisme bukan berarti sebagai terorisme. Hal itu dikatakan Petrus saat rapat kerja dengan Komisi I Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, Senin (5/3/2012). Rapat kerja itu membahas ratifikasi perjanjian kerjasama penanggulangan terorisme di tingkat ASEAN. Untuk itu, Petrus mengatakan, pihaknya akan terus meningkatkan upaya preventif bersama berbagai pihak agar 2,5 persen yang memiliki paham radikal itu tidak terkooptasi menjadi teroris. Petrus menambahkan, perlu ada perhatian terhadap dunia internet. Pasalnya, saat ini internet dijadikan media untuk penyebaran paham radikalisme. "Pengguna internet 30 juta lebih. Itu potensial penyebaran paham (radikal)," kata Petrus. Kepala Bareskrim Polri Komisaris Jenderal Sutarman mengatakan, terorisme masih tetap akan menjadi ancaman ke depan. Pasalnya, kata dia, sulit untuk menghapus ideologi orang yang sudah tertanam paham radikal. "Dengan deradikalisasi diharapkan orang sadar tidak melakukan aktivitas untuk suatu tujuan dengan kekerasan," kata Sutarman. Buku Berbau Radikalisme Dilarang Masuk Perpustakaan Taufiqurrahman | Glori K. Wadrianto | Senin, 6 Februari 2012 | 11:54 WIB \ PAMEKASAN, KOMPAS.com - Perpusatakaan Daerah Kabupaten Pamekasan, Madura, Jawa Timur, melarang masuknya buku-buku berbau radikalisme. Pelarangan itu, setelah banyaknya buku-buku tersebut dikirim melalui alamat yang tidak jelas. Buku-buku tersebut hanya disimpan di bank buku dan tidak untuk dikonsumsi publik. Kepala Kantor Arsip dan Perpustakaan Daerah Kabupaten Pamekasan, Luqman Hakim menjelaskan, jika buku bertema radikalisme menjadi referensi dan bacaan pengunjung, dikhawatirkan hasil bacaan akan berpengaruh kepada yang bersangkutan. "Sengaja memang kita sweeping semua buku yang berbau aliran keras karena kita berfikir dampak negatifnya," kata Luqman, Senin (6/2/2012). Luqman mengakui, banyak kiriman buku yang disumbangkan oleh beberapa penerbit kepada perpustakaan daerah. Namun pihaknya tidak serta-merta menaruhnya di rak-rak buku. "Kami tentukan dulu melalui tim seleksi buku, mana buku yang layak untuk konsumsi publik dan mana yang tidak layak menjadi bahan bacaan publik," katanya. Dijelaskan Luqman, di antara buku berbau radikalisme yang dilarang adalah buku-buku yang mengarah kepada tindak kekerasan dan terorisme. "Tidak perlu saya sebutkan satu-satu bukunya. Tapi kalau sampulnya saja soal ledakan bom, sambil mengacungkan senjata dan pedang, sudah bisa diprediksi isinya," ujarnya. Tidak hanya buku, tetapi beberapa majalah dan buletin yang menyebarluaskan semangat terorisme juga tidak luput dari sasaran. "Dari 80 persen pengunjung yang datang ke perpustakaan adalah pelajar dan mahasiswa. Jika otak mereka sudah terisi dengan bacaan yang ekstrem, radikal dan sebagainya, pengaruh jangka panjangnya sulit untuk merubah pola fikirnya," imbuhnya. Ditegaskan Luqman, buku-buku berbau radikalisme jika dibandingkan dengan jumlah buku yang lainnya jauh lebih sedikit. "Puluhan saja jumlahnya. Tetapi yang sedikit dan berbeda dengan buku lainnya itu yang kecenderungannya dicari oleh pembaca," ungkap Luqman.

densus 88 v. separatisme ...............

Indonesia's Anti-Terror Police Expand Their Targets Nivell Rayda | March 05, 2012 jakarta globe A storm was brewing quickly, with drops of rain visible just over the horizon on the Banda Sea. The air felt cold in the middle of Ambon’s rainy season, and as I traveled with my guide on a one-hour motorbike ride, my body shivered uncontrollably. I gripped my jacket tighter around my body as I glanced briefly at the reflection of my guide, Rezon, on the side mirror of his motorbike. He seemed accustomed to the low temperature, wearing sandals, shorts and a thin T-shirt with a printed image of the Spice Islands. “This is where we are, and this is where we are headed,” he said, pointing to the lower-left side of the printed part on his T-shirt. I was on my way to meet a pro-Maluku independence activist, a man who chooses to be identified only as Geba, which means “friend” in the local dialect. I had met him a day earlier at a small coffee shop in Ambon city, tucked away in a secluded section of a frantic market. Chatting over a cup of coffee, he recounted how Malukans had lost much of their rightful wealth — first robbed by the Europeans, who profited from centuries with a monopoly on the islands’ spices, and later by the Indonesian government, which siphoned Maluku’s natural resources to develop Jakarta. But Geba, who claims to be a proud member of the outlawed South Maluku Republic (RMS), had wanted to return to his own home before showing me a more sinister side to his struggle. “I have paid a hefty price for my fight,” he said when we met for the second time, sitting on his back porch. Carefully unbuttoning his shirt, he revealed scores of burn marks all over his chest, stomach and back, each the size of a cigarette butt. “Hundreds of times, the police burned me with a lit cigarette,” he said, recalling the time he spent in detention in 2006 after organizing an RMS ceremony, during which the banned Benang Raja flag had been unfurled. The RMS activist said his captors told him to lie with his face down and his body flat across two chairs, allowing police officers to kick his back with their boots. “They also hit me in the head with the butt of a rifle,” he said. “I was kicked in the neck, too, and they smashed a glass on my head. Even with blood gushing from my head and three sets of my teeth broken, the torture didn’t stop.” Geba identified his tormentors as members of the National Police’s Special Detachment 88 (Densus 88), an elite unit more often associated with fighting terrorists and militants than people accused of peacefully protesting for independence. Untapped resource Densus 88 was formed shortly after the 2002 Bali bombings that killed 202 people, mostly foreign tourists. The counterterrorism unit began attracting foreign donors and training agreements, making it the most elite unit in the police force. It is easy to distinguish an ordinary police officer from a member of the Densus 88. While most officers hold locally made Pindad assault rifles or handguns, Densus 88 officers carry anything from Austrian Steyr AUG assault rifles to the reincarnation of the M16 rifle, the AR-15. With terrorism threats waning in the years after the second Bali bombing in 2005 — there were only minor incidents in the provinces, like the bombing of a pig market in Poso, Central Sulawesi, and a series of ambushes against law enforcers in Ambon — so too did Densus 88’s once prominent role begin to fade. It was a few years before Indonesia was rocked by another major terrorism incident: the twin suicide attacks at the JW Marriott and Ritz-Carlton hotels in Jakarta in 2009. “Ideally, they [Densus 88] should keep focusing on cracking down on the terrorism network,” said Taufik Andrie, the research director of security think tank the Institute for International Peace Building (YPP). “But we cannot dispute the fact that [Densus 88] are more equipped with the tactical know-how and gadgetry to conduct investigations more effectively than other police units.” In June 2007, the counterterrorism unit was involved in the arrest of 22 RMS activists accused of unfurling the Benang Raja flag in front of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. Eva Kusuma Sundari, a lawmaker from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) and a member of the legislature’s Commission III, which oversees the National Police, said the counterterror unit has even investigated banking crimes. “I have met with some of the officers personally and they said they were involved in evaluating banking crime cases that were dropped by the police,” she said. With the death of major terrorism suspects Noordin M. Top and Dulmatin, and with terrorist figures like Abu Bakar Bashir, Umar Patek and Abu Umar behind bars, Densus 88 is now stepping up its engagement in non-terrorism issues again. In August last year, counterterrorism officers were deployed in conflict-riven Papua after four people were killed in an ambush by suspected armed separatists in Nafri village, on the outskirts of Jayapura. “We have dispatched crime scene investigators and Densus 88 officers to Nafri to help Papua police hunt for the perpetrators,” said then-National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Anton Bachrul Alam. Oktovianus Pekei, a Papuan priest in the district of Paniai, said suspected counterterrorism officers also raided people’s homes in the district capital, Enarotali, during a standoff with members of the armed rebel movement, the Free Papuan Organization (OPM) in November. “The police officers in Paniai were different from Brimob, although police say they were Brimob,” he said, referring to the police’s paramilitary unit, the Mobile Brigade. “These officers [in Paniai] wore ski masks and heavy combat gear and helmets. They also carried sophisticated weaponry and state-of-the art equipment.” Activists in West Nusa Tenggara said Densus 88 officers were also present in Bima district in January following massive protests against the exploration permit obtained by gold prospector Sumber Mineral Nusantara. A month earlier, three people were killed and 50 demonstrators were arrested when the police opened fire on the protesters, who had occupied a local ferry port for days. The incident led to an even bigger protest in January, with residents setting fire to the district office and forcing prison wardens to release some 50 detainees. Mulyadin, a spokesman for the protesters, said Densus 88 officers in Bima’s Lambu subdistrict searched people’s homes for escaped detainees and tried to blend in with ordinary officers so they would go unnoticed. However, National Police spokesman Insp. Gen. Saud Usman Nasution, formerly part of Densus 88 himself, denied that counterterrorism officers were present in Bima. “Why would they [be there]?” he said. “They are counterterrorism officers, and the case is a general crime. “I know [Densus 88] officers are well trained, but that doesn’t mean provincial police can just ask for their assistance,” he added. “Densus is under the direct command of the National Police chief.” Still, he confirmed Densus officers were in Papua to help the local police fight armed militias, and he justified their presence “Terrorism is not only limited to radicals waging jihad,” he said. “By the definition set under the 2003 Terrorism Law, terrorism refers to any act that can cause unrest.” But Noor Huda Ismail, an analyst on terrorism and security with the Institute for International Peacebuilding, said Densus 88 should stay away from handling separatism cases. “Densus was formed to tackle terrorism issues, and after all these years the [terrorism] network [in Indonesia] has not been uncovered completely,” he said. Ismail argued that terrorism suspect Umar Patek lived secretly in Indonesia after years on the run abroad, giving him plenty of time to expand his network here. There are also new players, he said, including the slain Sigit Qurdowi, who led a terrorist group that launched two suicide bomb attacks in Java last year. “There are also members of the Aceh camp who have not been captured to this day,” he added, referring to a terrorism paramilitary camp that the police raided in 2010. Violent tactics Taufik of security think tank YPP said that after Densus 88 formed, its officers tortured nearly all arrested terrorism suspects, with some suspects reportedly burned and beaten. “It was not until 2008, when they [the officers] got help from reformed militants and sources, that the torture stopped,” he said. “Armed with enough information about the terrorism network in Indonesia, [Densus 88] felt that there was no longer the need to extract information by torture. “But extrajudicial killings of suspected terrorists have continued,” he added. In 2010, Densus 88 officers gunned down five people in Cawang, East Jakarta, claiming they were armed terrorists who had tried to attack arresting officers. The police only ever identified four of the fatalities, fueling suspicions that the fifth victim had been innocent. “There is a great chance that suspects will be tortured again if [Densus 88] is allowed to engage in non-terrorism issues,” Taufik said. “They don’t have the knowledge [to investigate], but they’re under strong pressure to get the job done.” Yonias Siahaya, 58, knows this too well. In January 2010, he was crippled from the waist-down for two weeks after he was taken to the former Densus 88 headquarters in Tantuwi, Ambon. He had been accused of possessing a Benang Raja flag inherited from his father, an RMS militiaman. “My face was covered with a black plastic bag by four [Densus 88] officers,” he told the Globe at his wooden home in Ambon. “I was interrogated and they beat me in the chest whenever I gave the wrong answer. I collapsed down to the floor and that’s when they kicked me repeatedly.” He said the torture damaged some of his nerves and dislocated joints in his waist, but the police said he was faking his condition. He was forced to wait one and a half months before eventually receiving treatment at a state hospital in Kudamati, Ambon, although he was handcuffed to his bed the entire time. “It still hurts whenever I go to the bathroom,” he said. “At night I often have migraine attacks.” Yonias now limps his way around after only partially regaining control of his leg muscles. He had to stop working as a construction laborer and now sells snacks and drinks from a rickety food stall. Charlotta Sapakoly, a widow of RMS activist Yusuf Sapakoly, said she noticed that the police crackdown on pro-independence activists in Maluku became more violent after Densus 88 got involved. “My husband was first arrested in 2003 for participating in an RMS flag-raising ceremony,” she said. “They didn’t torture him or anything then. But when he was arrested by Densus in 2007, it was another story. “On some days when I visited him in prison, he could barely walk — there were bruises all over his body. Once, I even spotted that there was a bone sticking out of his elbow. [Yusuf] wouldn’t tell me what happened. It was later, after he died, that one of his former cellmates told me what had happened.” A blow to the stomach had ruptured Yusuf’s kidney. “In September [2007], he was in a coma for three days,” Charlotta said. “His face was black and blue, and he had to have dialysis treatment 11 times.” Yusuf, detained for his involvement in the Benang Raja flag incident during Yudhoyono’s visit to Ambon in 2007, died in 2010. He never received proper treatment for the years of kidney failure and internal bleeding he sustained during his detention. Signs of harsh tactics surfaced again in August when Densus 88 joined the local police in Nafri, Papua, to investigate the shooting of a public minivan. The Institute for Policy Research and Advocacy (Elsam) said 15 people were arrested after the police stormed the Horas Skyline village; some people were kicked, beaten and threatened with pointed guns. The police later released all but two suspects for lack of evidence. “Among the arrested were under-age girls, identified as 8-year-old Desi Kogoya and 7-year-old Novi Kogoya, who were arbitrarily detained and endured inhumane treatments,” the rights group said in its year-end report. Dangerous precedent Haris Azhar, the chairman of the Commission for Missing Persons and Victims of Violence (Kontras), said Densus 88’s involvement in cracking down on pro-independence political activists threatens freedom of speech. “There’s the precedent that Densus 88 was involved in the torture of the peaceful separatist movement of RMS, which posed no physical threats to the public at large,” he said. “This is dangerous. If Densus 88 is allowed to handle non-terrorism issues, then all political activists will be treated as terrorists.” Haris said that by labeling political activists and separatist insurgence groups as terrorists, the Indonesian government also risks jeopardizing its prospects for peaceful reconciliation with pro-independence groups. “Densus 88 only sees its targets as enemies, not as discussion partners, which is how the government should view separatist groups,” he said. Elaine Pearson, the deputy director of Human Rights Watch’s Asia division, said she was deeply troubled by Densus 88’s involvement in suppressing peaceful protests. “There is a long history of counterterrorism forces in Papua conflating nonviolent political expression with criminal activity, and arresting political activists on dubious treason charges,” she said. “Densus 88 has an appalling human rights record, and without serious government oversight and with continued restrictions on access to Papua, any abuses by the force are likely to go unchecked,” she added. Australian Embassy spokesman Ray Marcelo, reiterating Canberra’s recognition of Indonesia’s territorial integrity, said his country does not support Densus 88’s involvement in non-terrorism activities. “The sole focus of Australian engagement with Densus 88 is in combating terrorism,” he said. “Australia does not provide any support to Densus 88 or any other unit of the [Indonesian Police] and [Indonesian Military] in relation to any activities directed at combating separatist groups.” But Saud said Densus 88’s authority to engage in separatism is outlined in the definition of terrorism as stipulated under the 2003 Terrorism Law. This report is supported by the Pantau Foundation

indonesian gangsters

John Kei dan Fenomena Gangster Jakarta Monday, 20 February 2012 07:37 Ada berita yang menghebohkan jagat preman ibukota Jakarta pada Jumat (17/2/2012) lalu. Seorang gembong preman bernana John Refra Kei ditangkap oleh aparat gabungan Subdit Umum dan Subdit Resmob Polda Metro Jaya di Hotel C'One, Pulomas, Jakarta Timur sekitar pukul 20.00 WIB. Ia digelandang dengan luka tembak di kaki oleh sejumlah polisi. Tak tanggung-tanggung, sekitar seratus polisi dikerahkan untuk membekuk sang preman. Menurut beberapa saksi mata, John Kei sempat melawan sebelumpuhkan dengan timah panas. Menurut Kabid Humas Polda Metro Jaya, Kombes Pol Rikwanto, dalam jumpa pers di Mapolda Metro Jaya, Sabtu (18/2/2012), penangkapan John Kei dilakukan terkait kasus pembunuhan bos PT Sanex Steel, Ayung alias Tan Hari Tantono. Dalam penangkapan itu disita barang bukti 1 handphone merk Vertu warna silver, 1 Samsung notebook warna hitam dan dompet berwarna hitam cokelat dan uang Rp 5.250.000. John Kei adalah seorang gembong merupakan preman yang paling disegani di Jakarta. Dia dikenal sebagai bos para penagih utang dan pembunuh bayaran yang sangat sadis. Menurut Wakil Ketua Komisi III DPR, Nasir Jamil, dengan tertangkapnya John Kei, diharapkan premanisme bisa disapu bersih di Jakarta dan seluruh kota di Indonesia. "Polisi bertanggung jawab membersihkan preman yang meresahkan masyarakat. Jangan ada lagi premanisme di Jakarta dan seluruh kota di Indonesia," ujarnya. Nasir menyitir presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) ketika memerintahkan Kapolri untuk menindak setiap kejahatan. "Negara tidak boleh kalah dengan kejahatan. Kapolri harus punya strategi jitu untuk menyingkirkan premanisme di Indonesia," ungkap Nasir. Siapakah John Kei? Pria berumur 40 tahun itu adalah seerang tokoh asal Maluku yang lekat dengan dunia kekerasan di Ibukota. Sebelum 'manggung' di jakarta, John Kei didapuk menjadi pimpinan dari sebuah himpunan para pemuda Ambon asal Pulau Kei di Maluku Tenggara. Mereka berhimpun pasca-kerusuhan di Tual, Pulau Kei pada Mei 2000 lalu. Nama resmi himpunan pemuda itu Angkatan Muda Kei (AMKei) dengan John Kei sebagai pimpinan. Ia bahkan mengklaim bahwa anggota AMKei mencapai 12 ribu orang. Nama John Kei berkibar di Jakarta setelah tokoh pemuda yang juga asal Maluku Utara, Basri Sangaji, meninggal dalam suatu pembunuhan sadis di hotel Kebayoran Inn di Jakarta Selatan pada 12 Oktober 2004 silam. Sebelumnya, kedua tokoh pemuda itu seakan saling bersaing demi mendapatkan nama besar di dunia gangster Jakarta. Dengan kematian Basri, nama John Kei pun melesat bak meteor. Ia bersama kelompoknya terus menjadi momok menakutkan bagi warga di Jakarta. Pada Juni 2007, misalnya, John Kei terlibat bentrokan yang terjadi di depan kantor DPD PDI Perjuangan Jalan Tebet Raya No.46 Jaksel. Kabarnya, bentrokan itu terkait penagihan utang yang dilakukan kelompok John Kei terhadap salah seorang kader PDI Perjuangan di kantor itu. Bukan itu saja, di tahun yang sama kelompok ini juga pernah mengamuk di depan Diskotik Hailai Jakut hingga memecahkan kaca-kaca di sana tanpa sebab yang jelas. Dalam ’dunia premanisme’ Ibukota, khususnya terkait bisnis debt collector, kerap terjadi baku serang antar gangster. Sebagai contoh, pernah terjadi bentrokan berdarah di kawasan Jalan Kemang IV Jaksel pada pertengahan Mei 2002 silam, dimana kelompok Basri Sangaji saat itu sedang menagih seorang pengusaha di kawasan Kemang. Mendadak sang pengusaha menghubungi Hercules yang biasa ’dipakainya’ untuk menagih utang pula. Akibatnya kedua kelompok itu berhadap [John Kei saat ditangkap polisi] John Kei saat ditangkap polisi an di Jalan Kemang IV itu sehingga terjadi bentrokan dan pembunuhan. Hercules sempat ditembak beberapa kali, tapi dia hanya luka-luka saja dan bibirnya terluka karena terserempet peluru. Dia menjalani perawatan cukup lama di sebuah rumah sakit di kawasan Kebon Jeruk, Jakbar. Beberapa anak buah Hercules juga terluka. Tapi, seorang anak buah Sangaji terbunuh, dan beberapa orang terluka. Selain jasa penagihan utang, para gangster ibukota itu juga bergerak di bidang jasa pengawalan lahan dan tempat. Kelompok John Kei , misalnya, pernah mendapat ’order’ untuk menjaga lahan kosong di kawasan perumahan Permata Buana, Kembangan Jakarta Barat. Namun dalam menjalankan tugas, kelompok ini pernah mendapat serbuan dari kelompok Pendekar Banten yang merupakan bagian dari Persatuan Pendekar Persilatan Seni Budaya Banten Indonesia (PPPSBBI). Markas dan wilayah kerja PPPSBBI sebetulnya di Serang dan areal Provinsi Banten. Kepergian ratusan pendekar Banten itu ke Jakarta itu sengaja untuk menyerbu kelompok John Kei pada 29 Mei 2005. Sayangnya, kelompok penyerbu itu belum mengenal seluk-beluk Ibukota. Akibatnya, seorang anggota Pendekar Banten bernama Jauhari tewas terbunuh dalam bentrokan itu. Selain itu sembilan anggota Pendekar Banten terluka dan 13 mobil dirusak. tiga SSK Brimob PMJ dibantu aparat Polres Jakarta Barat berhasil mengusir kedua kelompok yang bertikai dari areal lahan seluas 5.500 meter persegi di Perum Permata Buana Blok L/4, Kembangan Utara Jakbar. Namun buntut dari kasus ini, John Kei hanya dimintai keterangan saja. Sedangkan beberapa anak buah John yang harus menjalani proses hukum dan mendekam di sel tahanan Polda Metro Jaya hingga kasusnya dilimpahkan ke kantor Kejati DKI beberapa bulan berikutnya. Sebuah sumber dari kalangan ini mengatakan bahwa kelompok penjaga lahan seperti kelompok John Kei biasanya menempatkan anggotanya di lahan yang dipersengketakan. Besarnya honor disesuaikan dengan luasnya lahan, siapa pemiliknya, dan siapa lawan yang akan dihadapinya. Semakin kuat lawan itu, semakin besar pula biaya pengamanannya. Kisaran nominal upahnya, bisa mencapai milyaran rupiah. Perjanjian honor atau upah dibuat antara pemilik lahan atau pihak yang mengklaim lahan itu milikya dengan pihak pengaman. Perjanjian itu bisa termasuk ongkos operasi sehari-hari bisa juga di luarnya. Misalnya untuk sebuah lahan sengketa diperlukan 50 orang penjaga maka untuk logistik diperlukan Rp 100 ribu per orang per hari, maka harus disediakan Rp 5 juta/hari atau langsung Rp 150 juta untuk sebulan. Yang jelas upah untuk kepala rombongan atau komandannya lebih besar dari anggota biasa. Dana operasi itu di luar upah kesuksesan kerja atau succes fee yang biasanya dibayarkan ketika sengketa dimenangkan pihak pengorder. Selain pengamanan lahan sengketa, ada pula pengamanan asset yang diincar pihak lain maupun menjaga lokasi hiburan malam dari ancaman pengunjung yang membikin onar maupun ancaman pemerasan dengan dalih ’jasa pengamanan’ oleh kelompok lain. Walau begitu tapi tetap saja mekanisme kerja dan pembayarannya sama dengan pengamanan lahan sengketa. Begitulah potret dunia ganster, yang selalu mengganggu keamana ibukota negara. Tertangkapnya John Kei mestinya menjadi momentum untuk memberantas premanisne di kota-kota besar. Kalau tidak sekarang, kapan lagi? (HP, dari berbagai sumber) Kisah Pembunuhan Basri Sangaji Monday, 20 February 2012 07:31 John Kei mengelola bisnis debt collector alias penagih utang Lewat Angkatan Muda Kei (AMKEI). Usaha jasa penagihan utangnya semakin laris ketika kelompok penagih utang yang lain, yang ditengarai dipimpin oleh Basri Sangaji, tercerai berai lantaran sang pemimpin tewas terbunuh. Para ’klien’ kelompok Basri Sangaji pun mengalihkan ordernya ke kelompok John Kei. Aroma menyengat yang timbul di belakang pembunuhan itu adalah persaingan antara dua kelompok penagih utang. Tudingan semakin menguat ketika di pengadilan terbukti pelaku pembunuhan itu tak lain adalah beberapa anak buah Jonn Kei. Bahkan pertumpahan darah besar-besaran hampir terjadi tatkala ratusan orang bersenjata parang, panah, pedang, golok, celurit saling berhadapan di Jalan Ampera Jaksel, persis di depan Pengadilan Negeri Jakarta Selatan pada awal Maret 2005 lalu. Saat itu sidang pembacaan tuntutan terhadap terdakwa pembunuhan Basri Sangaji. Beruntung 8 SSK Brimob Polda Metro Jaya bersenjata lengkap dapat mencegah terjadinya bentrokan itu. Sebenarnya pembunuhan terhadap Basri ini bukan tanpa pangkal. Konon, pembunuhan ini bermula dari bentrokan antara kelompok Basri dan kelompok John Kei di sebuah Diskotik Stadium di kawasan Taman Sari Jakarta Barat pada 2 Maret 2004 lalu. Saat itu kelompok Basri mendapat ’order’ untuk menjaga diskotik tersebut. Namun mendadak diserbu puluhan anak buah John Kei. Dalam aksi penyerbuan itu, dua anak buah Basri yang menjadi petugas security di diskotik tersebut tewas dan belasan terluka. Polisi bertindak cepat, beberapa pelaku pembunuhan ditangkap dan ditahan. Kasusnya disidangkan di Pengadilan Negeri Jakarta Barat. Namun pada 8 Juni, di tahun yang sama saat sidang mendengarkan saksi-saksi yang dihadiri puluhan anggota kelompok Basri dan John Kei, meletus bentrokan. Seorang anggota John Kei yang bernama Walterus Refra Kei alias Semmy Kei terbunuh di ruang pengadilan PN Jakbar. Korban yang terbunuh itu justru kakak kandung John Kei. Itualh mengapa banayk yang menilai bahwa pembunuhan terhadap Basri, selain karena persaingan bisnis, juga diwarnai dendam pribadi. (HP)

JAT

KY: Tidak Boleh Ada yang Intervensi Putusan Kasasi Ba`asyir Ahmad Toriq - detikNews Jumat, 24/02/2012 12:13 WIB

Jakarta Keluarga Abu Bakar Ba'asyir menilai sikap Amerika Serikat (AS) memasukkan Jamaah Ansharut Tauhid (JAT) dalam daftar organisasi teroris merupakan pra kondisi putusan kasasi. Hal ini membuat Komisi Yudisial (KY) bereaksi dan memperingatkan tidak boleh ada seorang pun mengintervensi hakim.

"Kalau ada pihak yang mengganggu independensi hakim maka kami bisa mengambil tindakan hukum. Dan ini berlaku bagi siapa saja," kata Ketua KY Eman Suparman kepada wartawan di kantornya, Jalan Kramat Raya, Jakarta, Jumat (24/2/2012).

KY masih menunggu apakah benar ada korelasi antara sikap AS dan jelang putusan kasasi Abu Bakar. KY juga akan proaktif mencari informasi apakah hal tersebut benar adanya.

"Kalau memang indikasi ini kuat, kami akan investigasi pihak-pihak mana yang akan mengintimidasi hakim," papar Eman. Dia pun tidak segan-segan menurunkan tim investigasi guna menyelidiki apakah benar ada upaya tersebut. "Kami punya tim investigasi di sini, akan kami investigasi karena telah mengganggu independensi hakim," ungkap Eman.

Seperti diketahui, Pengadilan Negeri Jakarta Selatan (PN Jaksel) telah memutuskan Ba'asyir bersalah melakukan tindak pindana terorisme dan menjatuhkan pidana 15 tahun penjara pada 16 Juni 2011 lalu.

Namun putusan ini dikurangi menjadi 9 tahun oleh Pengadilan Tinggi Jakarta pada 7 Juli 2011. Masih tak terima dengan hukuman 9 tahun penjara, Tim Pengacara Muslim mengajukan kasasi ke MA pada November 2011.

(asp/nrl) Pernyataan Lengkap Deplu AS Soal JAT Organisasi Teroris Novi Christiastuti Adiputri - detikNews Jumat, 24/02/2012 11:46 WIB

Jakarta Otoritas Amerika Serikat (AS) menyatakan organisasi pimpinan Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, Jamaah Ansharut Tauhid (JAT), tergolong dalam organisasi teroris internasional. Dengan pernyataan ini, AS memberikan sanksi tegas bagi JAT, baik terhadap kegiatannya maupun terhadap segala kekayaan dan properti yang dimilikinya. Pernyataan pemerintah AS ini mulai diberlakukan pada Kamis (23/2) waktu setempat. Pihak AS menyebut, pernyataan ini didasarkan pada Executive Order 13224 yang merupakan perintah langsung dari eksekutif AS, dalam hal ini Presiden AS, untuk menghentikan bantuan maupun jaringan finansial bagi setiap organisasi teroris. Perintah ini memberikan kewenangan kepada pemerintah AS untuk memblokir dan membekukan aset-aset milik organisasi teroris maupun setiap anggotanya. Perintah ini ditandatangani oleh Presiden AS George W Bush pada 23 September 2001 sebagai respons atas serangan bom 11 September 2001 pada menara kembar World Trade Center di New York, AS. Berikut ini pernyataan lengkap pihak Departemen Luar Negeri AS seperti dikutip detikcom, Jumat (24/2/2012) tentang hal tersebut: Pernyataan Teroris Bagi Jamaah Ansharut Tauhid Hari ini (23/2), Departemen Luar Negeri menyatakan Jamaah Ansharut Tauhid (JAT) sebagai Organisasi Teroris Asing (FTO) sesuai dengan Bab 219 Undang-undang Imigrasi dan Kewarganegaraan dan sebagai organisasi Teroris Global sesuai dengan Bab 1(b) Executive Order 13224. Kelompok yang berbasis di Indonesia ini, JAT bertanggung jawab atas serangkaian serangan terencana terhadap warga sipil, polisi dan personel militer di Indonesia. Pernyataan ini berkaitan dengan pernyataan Departemen Keuangan AS terhadap 3 orang pemimpin JAT: Pjs Amir JAT Mochammad Achwan, juru bicara JAT Son Hadi bin Muhadjir, dan tokoh pemimpin JAT Abdul Rosyid Ridho Ba'asyir, yang terkait dengan proses rekruitmen dan pengumpulan dana. JAT berusaha untuk mendirikan kalifah Islam di Indonesia, dan juga telah melakukan serangkaian serangan terhadap anggota pemerintahan dan warga sipil Indonesia dalam rangka mencapai tujuannya tersebut. Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, pendiri dan pemimpin JAT, dan juga tercatat dalam daftar UN 1267 (resolusi Dewan Keamanan PBB soal Al Qaeda), telah dinyatakan bersalah dan divonis penjara pada tahun 2011 atas perannya menggelar pelatihan terorismes di Aceh. Ba'asyir juga merupakan salah satu pendiri dan mantan pemimpin Jamaah Islamiyah (JI), yang juga dinyatakan sebagai Organisasi Teroris Asing (FTO), yang bertanggung jawab atas pengeboman klub malam di Bali pada tahun 2002 yang menewaskan lebih dari 200 orang. JAT melakukan serangkaian serangan terhadap warga sipil maupun pemerintah Indonesia, yang berakibat pada tewasnya sejumlah anggota Kepolisian Indonesia. JAT juga telah merampok bank-bank dan melakukan sejumlah tindakan melanggar hukum demi membiayai pembelian senjata, pistol, dan bahan pembuat bom. Tahun lalu, tepatnya pada 25 September 2011, sebuah bom bunuh diri dari JAT meledak di dalam sebuah gereja di Jawa Tengah, menewaskan si pengebom dan melukai puluhan lainnya. Kepolisian Indonesia telah menangkap sejumlah anggota JAT dalam kaitannya dengan pengeboman tersebut dan sejumlah rencana serangan bom bunuh diri lainnya. Pada April 2011, seorang pengebom bunuh diri melakukan serangannya di sebuah masjid di Jawa Barat hingga melukai puluhan polisi dan menewaskan si pengebom. Pernyataan ini memainkan peranan penting dalam perjuangan kami melawan terorisme dan merupakan cara yang efektif untuk mengurangi dukungan terhadap kegiatan terorisme dan menekan kelompok-kelompok yang ada untuk meninggalkan terorisme. Konsekuensi dari pernyataan ini termasuk pelarangan terhadap bantuan materi ataupun sumber daya lainnya, atau terlibat dalam transaksi dengan JAT, dan pembekuan seluruh harta milik organisasi dan minat mendapat harta di AS, atau yang didapat dari AS, atau pengendalian warga AS. Departemen Luar Negeri mengambil langkah ini dengan berkonsultasi dengan Departemen Kehakiman dan Departemen Keuangan.

Sementara itu, pengurus JAT yang berbasis di Solo menanggapi santai pernyataan AS tersebut. Dua anggota terkemuka yang kena sanksi Depkeu AS, Abdul Rochim dan Son Hadi, hanya tertawa mendengar Depkeu AS membekukan aset mereka.

(nvc/nrl)

fpi itu islami khan

Soal FPI, Sekjen OKI: Siapa Izinkan Mereka Bertindak atas Nama Islam? Rachmadin Ismail - detikNews Senin, 20/02/2012 18:17 WIB Jakarta Organisasi Konferensi Islam (OKI) yang merupakan perhimpunan negara-negara Islam, angkat bicara mengenai organisasi yang mengatasnamakan Islam beberapa kali memakai tindakan yang dinilai represif, seperti Front Pembela Islam (FPI). OKI mempertanyakan dari mana lisensi dan izin organisasi masyarakat yang mengatasnamakan Islam seperti itu? "Pertama-tama kami bertanya kepada mereka yang bertindak atas nama Islam. Dari mana mereka mendapat lisensi untuk melakukan ini, siapa yang mengizinkan mereka untuk melakukan itu?" ujar Sekjen OKI, Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu, ketika dimintai tanggapan mengenai ormas seperti FPI. Hal itu disampaikan Ihsanoglu dalam jumpa pers usai bertemu dengan Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono (SBY) di Kantor Presiden, Jalan Medan Merdeka Utara, Jakarta Pusat, Senin (20/2/2012). Ihsanoglu menegaskan ketika seseorang datang dan berkata 'Saya melakukan ini atas nama Islam', maka harus dipertanyakan dari mana mereka mendapatkan izin dan siapa yang memberikan lisensi sehingga bisa bertindak atas nama Islam. Kedua, imbuh setiap tindakan atas nama Islam harus diperiksa terhadap prinsip dan kriteria yang dimiliki Islam sebagai agama atau sebagai budaya. "Selama 14 abad, bukan hal yang baru bahwa Islam diinterpretasikan atau 'ditemukan' oleh semua orang. Islam memiliki standar Kitab Suci Alquran dan Sunnah. Dan tentu interpretasi Alquran dan Sunnah harusnya hanya lembaga yang diberikan otoritas dan harus dalam konteks. Tidak ada referensi atau dogma tunggal yang kemudian dibawa keluar konteks dan diinterpretasikan," jelasnya. Ihsanoglu kemudian menegaskan tidak ada paksaan dalam Islam , sebaliknya dikenal saling menghormati agama lain. "Jangan lupa, agama Islam konsisten dengan 2 prinsip, La Ikro Ha Fiddin, tidak ada paksaan dalam agama. Dan prinsip lain, Lakum Dinukum Waliyadin, bagimu agamamu dan bagiku agamaku," tandas Ihsanoglu. (nwk/vit)